社会心理学 英文
社会工作专业词汇中英文对照
社会工作专业词汇中英文对照社会调查的理论与方法Theories & Methods for Social Investigation社会调查方法 Methods for Social Investigation社会工作 Social Work社会统计分析与SYSTAT应用 Social Statistics Analysis & SYSTAT Application社会统计学 Social Statistics社会问题研究 Research on Social Problems社会心理学 Social Psychology社会学概论 Introduction to Sociololgy社会学简论 Brief Introduction to Sociology社会学理论专题 Current Issues in Theories of Socilolgy社会学问题研究 Research on Problems of Sociology社会学研究方法 Research Methods of Sociology社会主义财政学 Finance of Socialism社会主义各国政，经体制讨论 Discussion on Political & Economic Systems in Socialism社会学 Sociology社会工作者 Social worker案主 Client社会问题 Social problem社会心理 Social mental state社会调查 The society investigates个案社会工作 Social cases work团体社会工作 Social group work社区社会工作 social Community work社工导论 The introdution of social work社会调查应用 the application for society investigates 家庭暴力 Domestic violence失恋 Disappoint in love人在情境中 Person in situation弱势群体 disadvantaged groups社会保障 social security社会福利制度the social welfare system社会公德 social morality单亲家庭 single parent family独生子女 the only child失业率 rate of unemployment民工 the imigrant worker社会学概论 Introduction to Sociology社会工作概论 Introduction to Social Work社会心理学 Social Psychology国外社会学学说 Sociological Theories in the West社会调查与研究方法 Social Survey & Research Method社会统计与计算机应用 Social Statistics and Application of Computer马克思主义社会学经典著作选读Selected Readings of Marxist-Leninist Classics社会保障与社会福利 Social Security & Social Welfare当代社会学理论 Modern Sociological Theories社会政策 Social Policy文化人类学 Cultural Anthropology中国社会思想史 History of Social Theories in China人口社会学 Sociology of Population农村社会学 Rural Sociology城市社会学 Urban Sociology家庭社会学 Sociology of Family发展社会学 Sociology of Development经济社会学 Economic Sociology组织社会学 Sociology of Organization专业英语 English for Sociology社会学专题讲座 Issues of Sociology民俗学 Folklore Studies文化社会学 Cultural Sociology社会学 Sociology of Religion教育社会学 Sociology of Education越轨与犯罪社会学 Sociology of Deviance & Crime当代社会的生活文化 Life Style in Current Society西方社会思想史 History of Western Social Thought社会问题 Social Problems社会分层与社会流动 Social Stratification & Mobility科学社会学 Sociology of Education社会项目评估和统计指标 Statistical Indexes & uation of Social Projects文化社会学 Cultural Sociology历史社会学 Historical Sociology政治社会学 Political Sociology法律社会学 Sociology of Law环境社会学 Sociology of Environment劳动社会学 Sociology of Labor公共关系 Public Relations团体工作 Group Work社区工作 Community Work社会工作实习 Practice of Social Work社会行政 Social Administration数据分析技术Statistical Package & Applications for theSocial Sciences贫困与发展 Poverty and Development社会性别研究 Gender Studies家庭社会工作 Family Social Work临床社会工作 Clinical Social Work社会立法 Social lagislation老年社会工作 Gerontological Social Work青少年越轨与矫治 Juvenile Delinquency & Correction社区服务 Community Services心理咨询 Psychological Counseling整合社会工作实务 Integrative Social Work Practice社会工作专业英语 English for Social Work保险与信托 Insurance and Entrustment教学实习 Teaching Practice管理学 Management TheoryAdministration 行政Basic assumptions and principles of ~ 行政的基本假定与原则Collaboration in 行政工作的合并In community organization 社区组织中的行政Consultation in 行政咨询Defined 行政的定义Importancy of 行政的重要性Interagency coopration 行政的重要性Shifting power in 行政分权Supervision in 行政督导social workers'club 社工俱乐部Administration in social work (journal ) 《社会工作行政》（杂志）Adolescents 青少年Drug abuse and 吸毒与青少年Health care services 青少年卫生保健服务Pregnancy and 怀孕与青少年Suicide and 自杀与青少年Adoption 领养Applicants for 申请领养人Indepengdent placements 独立安置Open 公开领养Sa fe families act 《领养与安全家庭法案》Advocacy 倡导In community organization 社区组织中的倡导In future of social work 未来社会工作中的倡导Aftercare facilities 出院后的照顾设施Agency settings 机构场所For group work 小组工作的机构场所Aging 老年Caregivers 老年照顾者Case management 个案管理Community organization and 社区组织与老年Day care centers 老年日间护理中心Health care services 老年健康照顾服务Income adequacy and 充足收入与老人Living arrangemengs and 居住安排与老年Independence and dignity in 老年的独立与尊严Mental health 心理健康Nursing home alternatives 护理院之外的选择Nursing homes 老年护理院Older americans act (1995) 《美国老年人法案》（1995）Retirement 退休Suicide and 自杀与老年Trends and 人口老化趋势White house conferences on aging 白宫老年议会AIDS epidemic 艾滋病流行Alcoholism 醺酒Almshouses 济贫院A A for marriage amd family therapy 美国婚姻与家庭治疗协会A A for the study of group work 美国小组工作研究会A A of Group worker 美国小组工作者协会A A of marriage counselors 美国婚姻辅导委员会A A of medical social worker 美国医务社会工作者协会A A of psychiatric social work 美国精神病社会工作者协会A A of schools of social work 美国社会工作院校联合会A A of social workers (aasw) 美国社会工作者协会A hospital association 美国议员联合会A psychiatric association 美国精神病学联合会A red cross 美国，自己翻译吧Assessment 评估In case work process 个案过程中的评估Associated charities 联合慈善机构Bachelor of social work (BSW)degress 社会工作学士学位Balanced budget act (1997) 《平衡预算法案》1997Caregivers 照顾者Case management 个案管理With aging population 老年人口个案惯例DefinedFutureHistory ofParameters of 个案管理的参考标准Purpose ofResearch of 个案管理研究Case study method 个案研究方法Case work 个案工作Biopsychosocial 生理心理社会因素与个案工作DefinedDrug abuse andExamples of 个案工作的案例Freudian approach and 弗洛伊德派与个案工作Generalist perpective 通才观History ofKnowledge and 知识与个案工作Methods of 个案工作的方法Multisystens approach and 多元系统趋向与个案工作Problems inProcess ofPurpose ofSanctions and 社会制裁与个案工作In schoolsTrends inValus andCertification of social workers 社会工作者认证Changing nature of work 工作性质的改变Charity organization societies (COS) 慈善组织协会Cheating 欺诈Child abuse and neglect 虐待与忽视儿童Child guidance movement 儿童指导运动Child welfareAdoptionAFDC 抚养儿童家庭补助计划个人感觉应该是：Aid to Families with Dependent Children(美国)对有子女家庭补助计划child abuse and neglectdefinedfoster care 给养照顾health care serviceshome caremental health services 儿童心理健康服务origins ofprotective services 儿童保护性服务TANF 给贫困家庭临时性援助？temporary aid to need family L ,need : 贫困.还是应该用need 的形容词？Chronically 慢性精神病ChurchCivil rights movement 民权运动Closed systems 封闭系统CocaineCollaboration 协办Interagency 机构间的协办Teamwork concepts and 团队工作概念与协作Commitment 服务承诺Mental hospital 精神病院服务承诺Committee operation 委员会运作Commonwealth fund 英联邦基金Community chest 公益金貌似特指社区公益基金的意思community organization 社区组织corrections and 矫正和社区组织definedexaples ofhistory ofprinciples ofprocesesses in 社区组织的过程roles inschool social work andsommunity resources 社区资源confidenialityconsulation 咨询assumptions of 咨询的前提假设future ofprinciples ofcontimuing education (CE) 继续教育contract with America 签约美国control groups 控制组coordination 协调in communityu organization 社会组织中的协调corporate health care 矫治definedgroup work inhistory ofpractice in 矫治实践prevention in 矫治中的预防工作processes and principles ofsocial problems relatedsocial services andCouncil on social work education (CSWE) 社会工作教育委员会Curriculum Policy Statements and Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS)课程政策声明与教育政策和审核标准curriculum statements 课程声明generalist perspective and 通才观与CSWEhistory oflobbying by CSWE的游说工作minority groups andmission statement 使命述与prevention andpublicationsCouncils of Aocial Afencies 社会机构委员会Counseling 辅导FamilyMarriagePremarital 婚姻辅导Rehabilitation 康复辅导SchoolAnd social workCourts 法庭Crack 快克Crack/[krAk]n.裂缝, 噼啪声v.(使)破裂, 裂纹, (使)爆裂adj.最好的, 高明的貌似这个词,没搞懂CrimeCultural dissonance 文化失调Day care centers 日间照料中心Day treatment 日间治疗Deinstitutionalization 去机构照顾貌似，没明白division of child and family services 儿童与家庭服务科Doctoral programs in social work 社会工作博士培养方案Dropout rates 辍学率Drug abuse 吸毒Adolescentys and 青少年与吸毒Alcohol 醺酒Emergency care for 虚度紧急救护Extent and cost of 吸毒的围与代价Growth ofHallucinogens 迷幻药Inhalants 吸入剂Inpatient treatment for 吸毒住院治疗Marijuana 大麻Narcotics 麻醉剂In schoolsSedatives 镇静剂In sports worldStimulants 兴奋剂TobaccoTreatmentDrug courts 吸毒法庭Drug therapy 吸毒治疗Eclecticism 折中主义Education for social work 社会工作教育Administration andCommunity organization andContinuing educationFinancial assistanceFuture ofGeneralist practice perspective andGroup work andMinority group andMSW degreeProfessionalism and 专业主义与社会工作教育Specializaton 社会工作教育的专门化Student participation inElizabethan Poor Laws 《伊丽莎白济贫法》Employee assistance programs (EPAs) 雇员援助计划Encylopedia of Social Work 《社会工作百科全书》Enrichment in living 充实生活Evaluation 评估见：Assessment：(为征税对财产所作的)估价, 被估定的金额Evaluatio：估价, 评价, 赋值Experimental group 试验组见：control groups,控制组Faith-based social service 信心为本的社会服务FamilyBattered women 受虐妇女Battered/[~]adj.打扁了的, 敲碎的。
社会心理学英文版Lecture 4- Behavior and Attitudes
Outlines
How well do attitudes predict behavior? When does behavior affect attitudes? Why does behavior affect attitudes?
When Does Our Behavior Affect Our Attitudes?
Results: “Prisoner”: passive behavior, submissive, cry “Guards”: dominating, hostile, brutal.
The social roles we have can significantly change our behavior and attitudes.
When Does Our Behavior Affect Our Attitudes?
When Saying Becomes Believing
When there is no compelling external explanation for one’s words, saying becomes believing
Implicit attitudes
The attitudes one doesn’t aware of having. Unconscious, not directly expressed
Implicit Association Test
For demonstration, see
Attitudes toward religion can NOT predict whether people go to worship this coming Sunday because other factors, such as weather, the worship leader, sickness, etc. can influence the behavior. But it could predict the overall worship overtime.
社会心理学英文版
Introduction to Social Psychology
What is Social Psychology?
• What is the difference between sociology and social psychology? • How do our Values enter into the study of Social Psychology? • What are the main areas of research today?
• Social psychology in three worlds
Copyright © 2003 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Is Social Psychology Just “Common Sense”?
• Hindsight bias
– The tendency to exaggerate, after learning an outcome, one’s ability to have foreseen it – the I-knew-it-all-along phenomenon
Social psychology 社会心理学
Social psychology 社会心理学：用科学的方法研究人们的思维、情感和行为是以怎样的方式受到真实或想象中的他人影响的。
Social influence 社会影响：指他人的言辞、行为或仅仅是其在场对我们思想、情感、态度或行为所产生的影响或效果。
Construal 解读：是指人们认知、理解、解释社会世界的方式。
Fundamental Attribution Error 基本归因错误：是指高估内在性情境因素对行为的影响，而低估外在性情境因素的作用的倾向。
Self-esteem 自尊：指一个人对自我价值的评估，换言之，就是一个人认为自己有多好、多能干以及多高尚Social cognition 社会认知：指人们是如何看待自己和社会世界，更明确地说，就是人们如何选择、诠释、记忆和使用社会信息来做出判断和决定的。
Automatic thinking 自动化思维：是指无意识的、不带意图目的、自然而然的并且不需要努力地思维。
Schemas 图式:是指人们用来组织他们关于某个主题的知识、关于周围的社会性世界的心理结构，这种心理结构会影响人们所注意、思考和识记的信息。
Accessibility 可提取性：是指图式和概念在人们的头脑中所占据的优势范围，从而使我们对社会性世界作出判断的时候予以提取使用。
Priming 启动：是指最近的经历提高了某个图式、特征或概念的可提取性的过程。
Self-fulfilling prophecy 自证预言：是指在这种情况中，人们对他人产生一个预期，这会影响他们如何对待他人，而这种对待方式又会导致那个人的行为与人们最初的预期相一致，使得这一预期成为现实。
心理策略与心理捷径1、判断法则（judgmental heuristics）：是指人们为了迅速而有效地作出判断所使用的心理捷径。
2、便利法则（availability heuristic）：是指根据一件事进入脑海的容易程度来做出判断的心理经验法则。
socialpsychology社会心理学
On Being Sane in Insane Places David L. Rosenhan*If sanity and insanity exist, how shall we know them?The question is neither capricious nor itself insane. However much we may be personally convinced that we can tell the normal from the abnormal, the evidence is simply not compelling. It is commonplace, for example, to read about murder trials wherein eminent psychiatrists for the defense are contradicted by equally eminent psychiatrists for the prosecution on the matter of the defendant's sanity. More generally, there are a great deal of conflicting data on the reliability, utility, and meaning of such terms as "sanity," "insanity," "mental illness," and "schizophrenia." Finally, normality and abnormality are not universal. What is viewed as normal in one culture may be seen as quite aberrant in another. Thus, notions of normality and abnormality may not be quite as accurate as people believe they are.To raise questions regarding normality and abnormality is in no way to question the fact that some behaviors are deviant or odd. Murder is deviant. So, too, are hallucinations. Nor does raising such questions deny the existence of the personal anguish that is often associated with "mental illness." Anxiety and depression exist. Psychological suffering exists. But normality and abnormality, sanity and insanity, and the diagnoses that flow from them may be less substantive than many believe them to be.At its heart, the question of whether the sane can be distinguished from the insane (and whether degrees of insanity can be distinguished * Professor of psychology and law at Stanford University, Stanford, California. From Rosenhan, D. L. (1973, January 19). On being sane in insane places. Science, 179, 250-258. Reprinted with permission from the American Association for the Advancement of Science. from each other) is a simple matter: Do the characteristics that lead to diagnoses reside in the patients themselves or in the environments and contexts in which observers find them?Gains can be made in deciding which of these is more nearly accurate by getting normal people (that is, people who do not have, and have never suffered, symptoms of serious psychiatric disorders) admitted to psychiatric hospitals and then determining whether they were discovered to be sane. If the sanity of such pseudopatients were always detected, there would be evidence that a sane individual can be distinguished from the insane context in which he is found. If, on the other hand, the sanity of the pseudopatients were never discovered, serious difficulties would arise for those who support traditional modes of psychiatric diagnosis. Given that the hospital staff was not incompetent, that the pseudopatient had been behaving as sanely as he had been outside of the hospital, and that it had never been previously suggested that he belonged in a psychiatric hospital, such an unlikely outcome would support the view that psychiatric diagnosis betrays little about the patient but much about the environment.This article describes such an experiment. Eight sane people gained secret admission to 12 different hospitals. Their diagnostic experiences constitute the data of the first part of this article; the remainder is devoted to a description of their experiences in psychiatric institutions. Pseudopatients and Their SettingsThe eight pseudopatients were a varied group. One was a psychology graduate student in his 20's. The remaining seven were older. Among them were three psychologists, a pediatrician, a psychiatrist, a painter, and a housewife. Three pseudopatients were women, five were men. All of them employed pseudonyms, lest their alleged diagnoses embarrass them later. Those who were in mental health professions alleged another occupation in order to avoid the special attentions that might be accorded by staff, as a matter of courtesy or caution, to ailing colleagues. With the exception myself (I was the first pseudopatient and mypresence was known to the hospital administrator and chief psychologist and, so far as I can tell, to them alone), the presence of pseudopatients and the nature of the research program was not known to the hospital staffs.1 The settings are similarly varied. In order to generalize the findings, admission into a variety of hospitals was sought. The 12 hospitals in the sample were located in five different states on the East and West coasts. Some were old and shabby, some were quite new. Some were research-oriented, others not. Some had good staff-patient ratios, others were quite understaffed. Only one was a strictly private hospital. All of the others were supported by state or federal funds or, in one instance, by university funds.After calling the hospital for an appointment, the pseudopatient arrived at the admissions office complaining that he had been hearing voices. Asked what the voices said, he replied that they were often unclear, but as far as he could tell they said "empty," "hollow," and "thud." The voices were unfamiliar and were of the same sex as the pseudopatient. The choice of these symptoms was occasioned by their apparent similarity to existential symptoms. Such symptoms are alleged to arise from painful concerns about the perceived meaninglessness of one's life. It is as if the hallucinating person were saying, "My life is empty and hollow."Beyond alleging the symptoms and falsifying name, vocation, and employment, no further alterations of person, history, or circumstances were made. The significant events of the pseudopatient's life history were presented as they had actually occurred. Relationships with parents and siblings, with spouse and children, with people at work and in school, consistent with the aforementioned exceptions, were described as they were or had been. Frustrations and upsets were described along with joys and satisfactions. These facts are important to remember. If anything, they strongly biased the subsequent results in favor of detecting sanity, since none of their histories or current behaviors were seriously pathological in any way.Immediately upon admission to the psychiatric ward, the pseudopatient ceased simulating any symptoms of abnormality. In some cases, there was a brief period of mild nervousness and anxiety, since none of the pseudopatients really believed that they would be admitted so easily. Indeed, their shared fear was that they would be immediately exposed as frauds and greatly embarrassed. Moreover, many of them had never visited a psychiatric ward; even those who had, nevertheless had some genuine fears about what might happen to them. Their nervousness, then, was quite appropriate to the novelty of the hospital setting, and it abated rapidly.Apart from that short-lived nervousness, the pseudopatient behaved on the ward as he "normally" behaved. The pseudopatient spoke to patients and staff as he might ordinarily. Because there is uncommonly little to do on a psychiatric ward, he attempted to engage others in conversation. When asked by staff how he was feeling, he indicated that he was fine, that he no longer experienced symptoms. He responded to instructions from attendants, to calls for medication (which was not swallowed), and to dining-hall instructions. Beyond such activities as were available to him on the admissions ward, he spent his time writing down his observations about the ward, its patients, and the staff. Initially these notes were written "secretly," but as it soon became clear that no one much cared, they were subsequently written on standard tablets of paper in such public places as the dayroom. No secret was made of these activities.The pseudopatient, very much as a true psychiatric patient, entered a hospital with no foreknowledge of when he would be discharged. Each was told that he would have to get out by his own devices, essentially by convincing the staff that he was sane. The psychological stresses associated with hospitalization were considerable, and all but one of the pseudopatients desired to be discharged almost immediately after being admitted. They were, therefore, motivated not only to behave sanely, but to be paragons of cooperation. That their behavior was in no way disruptive is confirmed by nursing reports, which have been obtained on most of the patients. These reports uniformly indicate that the patients were "friendly," "cooperative," and "exhibited no abnormal indications."The Normal Are Not Detectably SaneDespite their public "show" of sanity, the pseudopatients were never detected. Admitted, except in one case, with a diagnosis of schizophrenia,2 each was discharged with a diagnosis of schizophrenia "in remission." The label "in remission" should in no way be dismissed as a formality, for at no time during any hospitalization had any question been raised about any pseudopatient's simulation. Nor are there any indications in the hospital records that the pseudopatient's status was suspect. Rather, the evidence is strong that, once labeled schizophrenic, the pseudopatient was stuck with that label. If the pseudopatient was to be discharged, he must naturally be "in remission"; but he was not sane, nor, in the institution's view, had he ever been sane.The uniform failure to recognize sanity cannot be attributed to the quality of the hospitals, for, although there were considerable variations among them, several are considered excellent. Nor can it be alleged that there was simply not enough time to observe the pseudopatients. Length of hospitalization ranged from 7 to 52 days, with an average of 19 days. The pseudopatients were not, in fact, carefully observed, but this failure clearly speaks more to traditions within psychiatric hospitals than to lack of opportunity.Finally, it cannot be said that the failure to recognize the pseudopatients' sanity was due to the fact that they were not behaving sanely. While there was clearly some tension present in all of them, their daily visitors could detect no serious behavioral consequences—nor, indeed, could other patients. It was quite common for the patients to "detect" the pseudopatient's sanity. During the first three hospitalizations, when accurate counts were kept, 35 of a total of 118 patients on the admissions ward voiced their suspicions, some vigorously. "You're not crazy. You're a journalist, or a professor [referring to the continual note-taking]. You're checking up on the hospital." While most of the patients were reassured by the pseudopatient's insistence that he had been sick before he came in but was fine now, some continued to believe that the pseudopatient was sane throughout his hospitalization. The fact that the patients often recognized normality when staff did not raises important questions.Failure to detect sanity during the course of hospitalization may be due to the fact that physicians operate with a strong bias toward what statisticians call the Type 2 error. This is to say that physicians are more inclined to call a healthy person sick (a false positive, Type 2) than a sick person healthy (a false negative, Type 1). The reasons for this are not hard to find: it is clearly more dangerous to misdiagnose illness than health. Better to err on the side of caution, to suspect illness even among the healthy.But what holds for medicine does not hold equally well for psychiatry. Medical illnesses, while unfortunate, are not commonly pejorative. Psychiatric diagnoses, on the contrary, carry with them personal, legal, and social stigmas. It was therefore important to see whether the tendency toward diagnosing the sane insane could be reversed. The following experiment was arranged at a research and teaching hospital whose staff had heard these findings but doubted that such an error could occur in their hospital. The staff was informed that at some time during the following three months, one or more pseudopatients would attempt to be admitted into the psychiatric hospital. Each staff member was asked to rate each patient who presented himself at admissions or on the ward according to the likelihood that the patient was a pseudopatient. A 10-point scale was used, with a 1 and 2 reflecting high confidence that the patient was a pseudopatient.Judgments were obtained on 193 patients who were admitted for psychiatric treatment. All staff who had had sustained contact with or primary responsibility for the patient—attendants, nurses, psychiatrists, physicians, and psychologists—were asked to make judgments. Forty-one patients were alleged, with high confidence, to be pseudopatients by at least one member of the staff. Twenty-three were considered suspect by at least one psychiatrist. Nineteen were suspected by one psychiatrist and one other staff member. Actually, no genuine pseudopatient (at least from my group) presented himself during this period.The experiment is instructive. It indicates that the tendency to designate sane people as insane can be reversed when the stakes (in this case, prestige and diagnostic acumen) are high. But what can be said of the 19 people who were suspected of being "sane" by one psychiatrist and another staff member? Were these people truly "sane," or was it rather the case that in the course of avoiding the Type 2 error the staff tended to make more errors of the first sort—calling the crazy "sane"? There is no way of knowing. But one thing is certain: any diagnostic process that lends itself so readily to massive errors of this sort cannot be a very reliable one.The Stickiness of Psychodiagnostic Labels Beyond the tendency to call the healthy sick—a tendency that accounts better for diagnostic behavior on admission than it does for such behavior after a lengthy period of exposure—the data speak to the massive role of labeling in psychiatric assessment. Having once been labeled schizophrenic, there is nothing the pseudopatient can do to overcome the tag. The tag profoundly colors others' perceptions of him and his behavior.A clear example is found in the case of a pseudopatient who had had a close relationship with his mother but was rather remote from his father during his early childhood. During adolescence and beyond, however, his father became a close friend, while his relationship with his mother cooled. His present relationship with his wife was characteristically close and warm. Apart from occasional angry exchanges, friction was minimal. The children had rarely been spanked. Surely there is nothing especially pathological about such a history. Indeed, many readers may see a similar pattern in their own experiences, with no markedly deleterious consequences. Observe, however, how such a history was translated in the psychopathological context, this from the case summary prepared after the patient was discharged.This white 39-year-old male . . . manifests a long history of considerable ambivalence in close relationships, which begins in earlychildhood. A warm relationship with his mother cools during his adolescence. A distant relationship to his father is described as becoming very intense. Affective stability is absent. His attempts to control emotionality with his wife and children are punctuated by angry outbursts and, in the case of the children, spankings. And while he says that he has several good friends, one senses considerable ambivalence embedded in those relationships also. . . .The facts of the case were unintentionally distorted by the staff to achieve consistency with a popular theory of the dynamics of a schizophrenic reaction. Nothing of an ambivalent nature had been described in relations with parents, spouse, or friends. To the extent that ambivalence could be inferred, it was probably not greater than is found in all human relationships. It is true the pseudopatient's relationships with his parents changed over time, but in the ordinary context that would hardly be remarkable—indeed, it might very well be expected.All pseudopatients took extensive notes publicly. How was their writing interpreted? Nursing records for three patients indicate that the writing was seen as an aspect of their pathological behavior. "Patient engages in writing behavior" was the daily nursing comment on one of the pseudopatients who was never questioned about his writing. Given that the patient is in the hospital, he must be psychologically disturbed. And given that he is disturbed, continuous writing must be behavioral manifestation of that disturbance, perhaps a subset of the compulsive behaviors that are sometimes correlated with schizophrenia.One tacit characteristic of psychiatric diagnosis is that it locates the sources of aberration within the individual and only rarely within the complex of stimuli that surrounds him. Consequently, behaviors that are stimulated by the environment are commonly misattributed to the patient's disorder. For example, one kindly nurse found a pseudopatient pacing the long hospital corridors. "Nervous, Mr. X?" she asked. "No, bored," he said.There is enormous overlap in the behaviors of the sane and the insane. The sane are not"sane" all of the time. We lose our tempers "for no good reason." We are occasionally depressed or anxious, again for no good reason. And we may find it difficult to get along with one or another person—again for no reason that we can specify. Similarly, the insane are not always insane. Indeed, it was the impression of the pseudopatients while living with them that they were sane for long periods of time—that the bizarre behaviors upon which their diagnoses were allegedly predicated constituted only a small fraction of their total behavior.When the origins of and stimuli that give rise to a behavior are remote or unknown, or when the behavior strikes us as immutable, trait labels regarding the behavior arise. When, on the other hand, the origins and stimuli are known and available, discourse is limited to the behavior itself. Thus, I may hallucinate because I am sleeping, or I may hallucinate because I have ingested a peculiar drug. These are termed sleep-induced hallucinations, or dreams, and drug-induced hallucinations, respectively. But when the stimuli to my hallucinations are unknown, that is called craziness, or schizophrenia—as if that inference were somehow as illuminating as the others.The Experience of Psychiatric Hospitalization The term "mental illness" was coined by people who were humane in their inclinations and who wanted very much to raise the station of the psychologically disturbed from that of witches and "crazies" to one that was akin to the physically ill. And they were at least partially successful, for the treatment of the mentally ill has improved considerably over the years. But while treatment has improved, it is doubtful that people really regard the mentally ill in the same way that they view the physically ill. There is by now a host of evidence that attitudes toward the mentally ill are characterized by fear, hostility, suspicion, and dread.That such attitudes infect the general population is perhaps not surprising, only upsetting. But that they affect the professionals—attendants, nurses, physicians, psychologists, and social workers—who treat and deal with the mentally ill is more disconcerting.Consider the structure of the typical psychiatric hospital. Staff and patients are strictly segregated. Staff have their own living space, including their dining facilities, bathrooms, and assembly places. The glassed quarters that contain the professional staff, which the pseudopatients came to call "the cage," sit out on every dayroom. The staff emerge primarily for care-taking purposes—to give medication, to conduct a therapy or group meeting, to instruct or reprimand a patient. Otherwise, staff keep to themselves.The average amount of time spent by attendants outside of the cage was 11.3 percent (range, 3 to 52 percent). This figure does not represent only time spent mingling with patients, but also includes time spent on such chores as folding laundry, supervising patients while they shave, directing ward cleanup, and sending patients to off-ward activities. It was the relatively rare attendant who spent time talking with patients.Physicians, especially psychiatrists, were even less available. They were rarely seen on the wards. Quite commonly, they would be seen only when they arrived and departed, with the remaining time being spend in their offices or in the cage.Powerlessness and DepersonalizationPowerlessness was evident everywhere. The patient is deprived of many of his legal rights by dint of his psychiatric commitment. His freedom of movement is restricted. He cannot initiate contact with the staff, but may only respond to such overtures as they make. Personal privacy is minimal. Patient quarters and possessions can be entered and examined by any staff member, for whatever reason. His personal history and anguish is available to any staff member.At times, depersonalization reached such proportions that pseudopatients had the sense that they were invisible, or at least unworthy of account. Upon being admitted, I and other pseudopatients took the initial physical examinations in a semipublic room, where staffmembers went about their own business as if we were not there.On the ward, attendants delivered verbal and occasionally serious physical abuse to patients in the presence of other observing patients, some of whom (the pseudopatients) were writing it all down. Abusive behavior, on the other hand, terminated quite abruptly when other staff members were known to be coming. Staff are credible witnesses. Patients are not.A nurse unbuttoned her uniform to adjust her brassiere in the present of an entire ward of viewing men. One did not have the sense that she was being seductive. Rather, she didn't notice us. A group of staff persons might point to a patient in the dayroom and discuss him animatedly, as if he were not there.One illuminating instance of depersonalization and invisibility occurred with regard to medications. All told, the pseudopatients were administered nearly 2100 pills, including Elavil, Stelazine, Compazine, and Thorazine, to name but a few. (That such a variety of medications should have been administered to patients presenting identical symptoms is itself worthy of note.) Only two were swallowed. The rest were either pocketed or deposited in the toilet. The pseudopatients were not alone in this. Although I have no precise records on how many patients rejected their medications, the pseudopatients frequently found the medications of other patients in the toilet before they deposited their own. As long as they were cooperative, their behavior and the pseudopatients' own in this matter, as in other important matters, went unnoticed throughout.The hierarchical structure of the psychiatric hospital facilitates depersonalization. Those who are at the top have least to do with patients, and their behavior inspires the rest of the staff. Average daily contact with psychiatrists, psychologists, residents, and physicians combined ranged form 3.9 to 25.1 minutes, with an overall mean of 6.8. Included in this average are time spent in the admissions interview, ward meetings in the presence of a senior staff member, group and individual psychotherapy contacts, case presentation conferences, and discharge meetings. Clearly, patients do not spend much time in interpersonal contact with doctoral staff. The Consequences of Labeling and DepersonalizationThe needs for diagnosis and remediation of behavioral and emotional problems are enormous. But rather than acknowledge that we are just embarking on understanding, we continue to label patients "schizophrenic," "manic-depressive," and "insane," as if in those words we had captured the essence of understanding. The facts of the matter are that we have known for a long time that diagnoses are often not reliable, but we have nevertheless continued to use them.How many people, one wonders, are sane but not recognized as such in our psychiatric institutions? How many have been needlessly stripped of their privileges of citizenship, from the right to vote and drive to that of handling their own accounts? How many have feigned insanity in order to avoid the criminal consequences of their behavior, and, conversely, how many would rather stand trial than live interminably in a psychiatric hospital—but are wrongly thought to be mentally ill? How many have been stigmatized by well-intentioned, but nevertheless erroneous, diagnoses? A diagnosis of cancer that has been found to be in error is cause for celebration. But psychiatric diagnoses are rarely found to be in error. The label sticks, a mark of inadequacy forever.Finally, how many patients might be "sane" outside the psychiatric hospital but seem insane in it—not because craziness resides in them, as it were, but because they are responding to a bizarre setting?I and the other pseudopatients in the psychiatric setting had distinctly negative reactions. We do not pretend to describe the subjective experiences of true patients. Theirs may be different from ours, particularly with the passage of time and the necessary process of adaptation to one's environment. But we can and do speak to the relatively more objective indices of treatment within the hospital. It could be a mistake, and a very unfortunate one, to consider that what happened to us derived from malice or stupidity on the part of the staff. Quite the contrary, our overwhelming impression of them was of people who really cared, who were committed and who were uncommonlyintelligent. Where they failed, as they sometimes did painfully, it would be more accurate to attribute those failures to the environment in which they, too, found themselves than to personal callousness. Their perceptions and behavior were controlled by the situation, rather than being motivated by a malicious disposition. In a more benign environment, one that was less attached to global diagnosis, their behaviors and judgments might have been more benign and effective. Notes1 However distasteful such concealment is, it was a necessary first step to examining these questions. Without concealment, there would have been no way to know how valid these experiences were.2 Interestingly, of the 12 admissions, 11 were diagnosed as schizophrenic and one, with the identical symptomatology, as manic-depressive psychosis. This diagnosis has more favorable prognosis, and it was given by the private hospital in our sample.。
社会心理学名词解释
社会心理学〔social psychology〕：社会心理学是从社会互动观点出发，对人社会心理与社会行为规律进展系统研究科学。
构建〔construal〕：人们知觉、理解及解释社会环境方式。
经历主义(empiricism)：是指通过直接观察或经历获得知识过程，它区别于基于逻辑推理而非直接经历理性思考(即思辨)。
利己性自杀〔Egoistics suicide〕：整合性强社会群体通过共同标准与强有力权威控制着成员思想行为，使成员完全归属于群体。
在个人遇到挫折时，可以得到群体保护与支持。
利他性自杀〔Altruistics suicides〕：社会整合过于强烈之时。
高度社会整合使得个性受到相当程度压抑，个人权利被认为是微缺乏道，他们被期待完全服从群体需要与利益。
失范性自杀，或译“异常性自杀〞〔Anomic suicide〕：在过去惯于某种生活标准与习惯时，突然因丧失标准与认同下，造成认知错乱造成自杀状况，诸如突然经济恐慌自杀者。
宿命性自杀〔Fatalistic suicide〕：常发生在过度压迫社会，并且导致人们会有想要死亡欲念。
社会化：是个体在特定社会文化环境中，学习与掌握知识、技能、语言、标准、价值观等社会文化行为方式与人格特征，适应社会并积极作用于社会、创造新文化过程。
它是人与社会相互作用结果。
社会教化：即广义教育。
它是指社会通过社会化机构及其执行者实施社会化过程。
个体内化：是指社会化主体——人经过一定方式社会学习，承受社会教化，将社会目标、价值观、标准与行为方式等转化为其稳定人格特质与行为反响模式过程。
同辈群体(peer group)：是一个有地位、年龄、兴趣、爱好、价值观等大体一样或相近人组成关系亲密非正式群体。
群众传媒(mass media):指是传达广阔人群之中并对他们产生影响传播方式自我概念(Self-concept): Self-concept refers to people’s characteristic ideas about who they are and what they are like.主我：指是我们对于我们正在思考或我们正在知觉意识，而不是身体或心理过程。
社会心理学 social psychology
社会心理学social psychology Chapter 1♐社会心理学是一门就人们如何看待他人，如何影响他人，又如何互相关联的种种问题进行科学研究的学科♐我们的社会行为取决于客观情境、主观建构。
♐社交信念可以变成自我实现的预言。
♐研究人们如何看待彼此，如何影响彼此。
社会心理学家研究态度与信念、从众与独立、爱与恨。
♐第一个社会心理学实验1924♐社会心理学称为学科第二次世界大战♐当他人的行为具有一致性并且与众不同时，我们会把其行为归因于他们的人格。
♐我们的直觉影响我们的恐惧心理、印象、人际关系。
♐即时情绪、非语言交流都体现了我们的直觉能力。
♐思维、记忆、和态度都是同时在两个水平上运行：一个是有意识和有意图的；另一个是无意识和自动的。
称为双重加工。
♐我们判断事物发生可能性取决于进入我们脑海中例子的可利用程度。
♐当准确性变得重要时，最好用批判性的思维来抑制直觉冲动。
♐我们所说所想均学自他人。
关系对人类非常重要。
♐作为社会性动物，我们会对周围环境做出反应。
♐我们的文化有助于定义我们的情境。
外在的社会影响力塑造着我们的态度和行为。
♐内在态度影响着我们的行为。
性格倾向也会影响行为。
我们的世界建立在情境与人的交互作用中。
♐生物性与生活经验造就了我们。
♐了解爱与恨，我们要考虑皮下的（生物）与皮间的（社会）影响。
♐我们是生物、心理、社会的产物。
♐社会心理学家研究个体——个体在某个特定时间对他人的看法，个体之间的相互影响及其关系。
♐社会心理学家关注社会因素，人格心理学家关注个体内部功能以及个体间的差异。
♐解释的不同层面-我们不需要假设，因为在不同层面的解释中必定隐含某一个真理。
♐社会表征（social representation）——的共同信念-我们理所当然地认为的那些东西。
圈外人会引发我们关注这些假设。
♐价值观会影响概念。
我们在给形容词时其实在做价值判断。
有关心理咨询方面的意见同样反映了咨询者个人价值观。
社会心理学英文版
Introduction to Social Psychology
Social Psychology and Human Values
• Obvious ways in which values enter • Not-so-obvious ways in which values enter
– The subjective aspects of science – Psychological concepts contain hidden values – There is no bridge from “is” to “ought”
Introduction to Social Psychology
Social Psychology by David G. Myers 8th Edition
Introduction to Social Psychology
Copyright © 2003 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Understanding Experiments
Copyright © 2003 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Things to Consider in Social Psychological Research
• • • • • • • • Theory Hypothesis Population Sample Representative sample Random sample Random Assignment Blind Procedures • • • • • • • • Independent variable Dependent variable Survey Placebo Effects Third variables Causation Reliability Validity
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性，平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益，请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间：9:00-18:30)。
Industry:
– Help students set and achieve realistic goals – Allow and support opportunities to be independent
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
See Guidelines, Woolfolk, p. 67
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Erikson’s Stages: Preschool Years
Trust
/ Mistrust: birth to 12-18 months - feeding Autonomy / Shame & Doubt: 18 months to 3 years – toilet training Initiative / Guilt: 3 to 6 years independence
Erikson’s Stages : Adolescence
Identity / Role Confusion Peer relationships “Who am I?” James Marcia’s work on identity statuses – Achievement – Foreclosure – Diffusion – Moratorium
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
How Erikson’s Theory Can Help Teachers
Initiative:
– Allow limited choices that will often result in success – Encourage make believe – Be tolerant of mistakes
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Erikson’s Stages : Elementary and Middle School Years
Industry
/ Inferiority: 6 to 12 years -
school
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Copyright by Allyn and Bacon Copyright 2001 by Allyn and2001 Bacon
Ages
0-18 mo. 18mo-3yr 3-6 yrs 6-12 yrs Adolescence
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Concept Map for Chapter 3 Challenges for The Work of
Children Erikson Personal, Social, and Emotional Development Socialization: Family, Peers, and Teachers Understanding Ourselves and Others
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
See Guidelines, Woolfolk, p. 70
Overview of Erikson: Birth through School Age
Stages
Trust/mistrust Autonomy/Shame Initiative/guilt Industry/inferiority Identity/Role confusion
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Erikson’s Stages : Beyond the School Years
Intimacy / Isolation: Young adulthood – love relationships Generativity / Stagnation: Middle Adulthood – parenting/ mentoring Ego integrity / Despair: Late adulthood – reflecting on and acceptance of ones life See Table 3.1, WoБайду номын сангаасlfolk, page 65
How Erikson’s Theory Can Help Teachers
Identity:
– Supply a variety of positive role models – Help with resources to solve personal problems – Be tolerant of fads if they don’t offend others or interfere with teaching – Give students realistic feedback about themselves
Chapter 3: Personal, Social, and Emotional Development : Ed Psych 202 Dr. Bauer
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and Bacon
Overview
The Work of Erikson Understanding Ourselves and Others Moral Development Socialization: Family, Peers, and Teachers Challenges for Children
Moral Development
Copyright 2001 by Allyn and2001 Bacon Copyright by Allyn and Bacon
The Work of Erikson
Psychosocial theory of development Developmental crisis Eight stages