英国大宪章
英国大宪章
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• 19 • 王迪
孙全康
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历史背景
• 公元1066年，法国诺曼底公爵威廉借口其有权继承英格兰王位而入侵英格兰，并成功 打败了英王哈罗德而建立了诺曼底王朝，史称威廉一世。（从此之后直到现代，英国 再也没有被外国军队入侵过，虽然也是王朝更迭，但历位英国国王或者女王都是威廉 一世后代，因此按我们普通国人的看法，英国自1066年起至今都是一个王朝）。在与 哈罗德的一战中，威廉一世主要依靠的是从法国带来的骑士。当时，骑士要拥有备齐 了马鞍、马蹬和马衔的数匹战马，以及利剑长矛等武器装备。对这种职业武士的训练 要从孩提时代开始一直到21岁，其武器装备和培训训练费是相当昂贵的，于是国王通 过向跟随作战的武士授予土地的方式来解决这个问题，这种“回报”的地产就变成了 封建财产。这显然是一种契约制度，但并不是现代社会的非人格化的商业契约，因为 土地的受封者在人格上变成了封主的臣属，他必须效忠、服务，甚至为主人而献身。 在接受封土时举行“臣服礼”不仅具有宗教道德方面的约束力，它还表明因封主把作 为封建财产的土地分给封臣，封臣就对封主有服从、效忠和尊重的义务。从此封建制 度在英国建立起来。不过，此时的封建制度只是一种习惯法，国王与贵族以习惯而行 事，没有成文的规定来明确这一行为。 到了公元1199年，英王约翰继位。这位国王能力十分有限，在他的统治前期，其先祖 留给他的法国领土大多被法王占领，为了争夺回法国的领土，他穷兵黩武，因而不顾 原有封建习惯，大量开征各种税收捐助等，最终迫使部分英国贵族为了保护自己的权 利而联合市民阶层武装反抗。1215年初，主要来自北方各郡的贵族在斯坦福聚集，并 推进到北安普顿，大贵族在伯拉克利公开拒绝向国王行效忠礼，战争开始。5月17日， 反叛贵族秘密进入伦敦，在市民的支持下，国王被迫与25名男爵代表在兰尼德草地上 签定了《大宪章》。
英国自由大宪章的意义简述六百字
英国自由大宪章的意义简述六百字摘要：一、引言二、英国自由大宪章的背景三、英国自由大宪章的主要内容四、英国自由大宪章的历史意义五、英国自由大宪章对现代民主制度的影响六、结论正文：【引言】在英国历史的长河中，自由大宪章无疑是一部具有重要意义的文献。
它诞生于中世纪，为英国人民争取自由、权利和民主奠定了基础。
本文将对英国自由大宪章的背景、主要内容、历史意义及其对现代民主制度的影响进行简要阐述。
【英国自由大宪章的背景】英国自由大宪章诞生于1215年，当时英国国王约翰（又称“失地王”）因贪婪无度和专制统治引发了贵族们的反抗。
为了平息贵族们的愤怒，约翰国王被迫签署了这个宪法性文件。
自由大宪章旨在限制国王的权力，保障贵族的特权，从而维护国家的稳定。
【英国自由大宪章的主要内容】英国自由大宪章共有63条条款，主要内容包括：保障贵族的土地权益、限制国王对贵族的征税权、确立司法独立、保障个人自由等。
这部宪章对当时的英国社会产生了深远的影响，成为后来英国民主制度发展的基石。
【英国自由大宪章的历史意义】自由大宪章的诞生，标志着英国开始实行有限君主制。
它确立了法律至上原则，为后来英国民主制度的发展奠定了基础。
同时，自由大宪章也对世界其他国家产生了影响，许多国家在制定宪法时都借鉴了其经验和原则。
【英国自由大宪章对现代民主制度的影响】英国自由大宪章虽然是中世纪的产物，但其蕴含的民主、自由、平等等理念对现代民主制度产生了深远影响。
它为后来英国及世界各国的宪法制定提供了借鉴，推动了全球民主制度的发展。
时至今日，自由大宪章仍然具有很高的历史价值和文化价值。
【结论】总之，英国自由大宪章是中世纪英国民主制度的重要里程碑，它为现代民主制度的发展奠定了基础。
这部宪章所蕴含的民主、自由、平等等价值观，至今仍具有现实意义。
大宪章相关知识点
大宪章（Magna Carta）是英国历史上具有重要意义的法律文件，于1215年签署，被视为现代宪政的基石之一。
它对国王的权力进行了限制，确立了一些基本的法律原则和个人权利。
本文将从不同的角度介绍大宪章的相关知识点。
一、历史背景大宪章的签署是英国历史上重要的里程碑，并对后来的宪政发展产生了深远影响。
1215年，英国国王约翰（John）在与贵族和教会的权力斗争中陷入困境。
贵族们对约翰的专制统治感到不满，要求他接受一份文件，约束其权力。
在这样的背景下，大宪章诞生了。
二、大宪章的内容大宪章共有63条，其中包括一些重要的条款。
其中最著名的条款是第39条，它规定了个人的权利，包括对非法拘留的禁止和对司法程序的保护。
此外，大宪章还规定了国王对贵族的责任和义务，以及财政和司法方面的改革措施。
三、大宪章的影响大宪章的签署标志着国王统治的限制开始得到确立，对后来英国宪政的发展产生了深远影响。
它奠定了国王权力受制于法律的基础，并保护了个人的权利。
此外，大宪章的思想也对其他国家的宪政演变起到了激励作用。
四、大宪章在英美法律中的地位大宪章的思想对于后来宪政国家的法律体系产生了广泛的影响。
虽然大宪章本身在法律上已经废止，但它的许多原则被吸收并成为英美法律体系的一部分。
例如，对个人权利的保护、法律程序的公正性以及政府权力的制约原则等，这些都体现了大宪章的精神。
五、大宪章的现代意义尽管大宪章的时代背景与现代社会存在很大的差异，但它的核心价值观仍然具有重要意义。
大宪章提出了对个人权利和公正法律的保护，这是现代民主社会所追求的核心目标。
因此，大宪章仍然被视为宪政原则和人权保护的基石之一。
六、总结大宪章是英国历史上具有重大意义的法律文件，它限制了国王的权力，并确立了一些基本的法律原则和个人权利。
它标志着国王统治受制于法律的开始，并对后来的宪政发展产生了深远影响。
尽管大宪章的时代背景与现代社会存在差异，但它的核心价值观仍然具有重要意义，并在英美法律体系中发挥着重要作用。
大宪章权利法案的两个文献的史料价值
大宪章权利法案的两个文献的史料价值
（原创实用版）
目录
1.大宪章和权利法案的简介
2.两个文献的史料价值
3.结论
正文
一、大宪章和权利法案的简介
大宪章，全名为“大宪章自由之书”，是英国历史上一部具有重要意义的宪法文件。
它于 1215 年由英国国王约翰签署，被认为是世界上最早的限制王权、保护人民权益的宪法文件之一。
大宪章主要内容包括：国王必须依法行事，不能随意剥夺人民的财产和自由；规定了英国教会的独立地位；保障了贵族的权益等。
权利法案，全名为“权利法案 1689”，是英国历史上另一部重要的宪法文件。
它于 1689 年通过，旨在限制国王的权力，确立议会的主权，保障人民的基本权利。
权利法案主要包括：确立议会为国家的最高权力机关；规定国王不能随意废除法律；保障公民的言论、宗教信仰等自由；确立了英国君主立宪制的基本原则等。
二、两个文献的史料价值
大宪章和权利法案作为英国历史上两部重要的宪法文件，具有极高的史料价值。
首先，它们为后世留下了宝贵的历史资料，让人们可以了解到英国中世纪以及近代的政治制度演变过程。
其次，这两个文献是英国乃至世界范围内限制王权、保障人民权益的先驱，对后世的宪法制定产生了深远的影响。
最后，大宪章和权利法案的制定与实施，也是英国民主制度发展的重要里程碑，它们为英国民主政治的成熟和完善奠定了基础。
三、结论
总的来说，大宪章和权利法案作为英国历史上两部重要的宪法文件，具有重要的史料价值。
英国大宪章原文及其中文译文
英国大宪章原文及其中文译文以下为英国《大宪章》的原文及中文译文：原文：Magna Carta - the Great CharterJohn, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and faithful subjects, greeting.Know that we, out of the reverence for God and the salvation of our soul and the souls of all our ancestors and heirs, for the honour of God and the exaltation of holy Church and the reform of our realm, on the advice of our venerable father, Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, of the bishops and other servants of God whom we have called together for this purpose, have granted to God and to the holy Church, and by this our present charter have confirmed for evermore, that the Church of England shall be free, and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable.中文译文：大宪章-《伟大特许状》英格兰国王约翰，依据神的恩典，拥有爱尔兰之主、诺曼底和阿基坦公爵和安茹伯爵的头衔，致函各位大主教、主教、宗座修道院院长、伯爵、男爵、法官、森林官、治安官、管家、仆人，以及所有他的代理人和忠实的臣民，请安。
英国大宪章原文及其中文译文
英国⼤宪章原⽂及其中⽂译⽂The Magna Carta (The Great Charter)1215(Clauses marked (+) are still valid under the charter of 1225, but with a few minor amendments. Clauses marked (*) were omitted in all later reissues of the charter. In the charter itself the clauses are not numbered, and the text reads continuously. The translation sets out to convey the sense rather than the precise wording of the original Latin.)JOHN, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his officials and loyal subjects, Greeting.KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honour of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects: + (1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church's elections - a rightreckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it - and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.TO ALL FREE MEN OF OUR KINGDOM we have also granted, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written out below, to have and to keep for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs:(2) If any earl, baron, or other person that holds lands directly of the Crown, for military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full age and owe a `relief', the heir shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient scale of `relief'. That is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl shall pay ￡100 for the entire earl's barony, the heir or heirs of a knight l00s. at most for the entire knight's `fee', and any man that owes less shall pay less, in accordance with the ancient usage of `fees'(3) But if the heir of such a person is under age and a ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without`relief' or fine.(4) The guardian of the land of an heir who is under age shall take from it only reasonable revenues, customary dues, and feudal services. He shall do this without destruction or damage to men or property. If we have given the guardianship of the land to a sheriff, or to any person answerable to us for the revenues, and he commits destruction or damage, we will exact compensation from him, and the land shall be entrusted to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be answerable to us for the revenues, or to the person to whom we have assigned them. If we have given or sold to anyone the guardianship of such land, and he causes destruction or damage, he shall lose the guardianship of it, and it shall be handed over to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be similarly answerable to us.(5) For so long as a guardian has guardianship of such land, he shall maintain the houses, parks, fish preserves, ponds, mills, and everything else pertaining to it, from the revenues of the land itself. When the heir comes of age, he shall restore the whole land to him, stocked withplough teams and such implements of husbandry as the season demands and the revenues from the land can reasonably bear.(6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be' made known to the heir's next-of-kin.(7) At her husband's death, a widow may have her marriage portion and inheritance at once and without trouble. She shall pay nothing for her dower, marriage portion, or any inheritance that she and her husband held jointly on the day of his death. She may remain in her husband's house for forty days after his death, and within this period her dower shall be assigned toher.(8) No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she wishes to remain without a husband. But she must give security that she will not marry without royal consent, if she holds her lands of the Crown, or without the consent of whatever other lord she may hold them of.(9) Neither we nor our officials will seize any land or rent in payment of a debt, so long as the debtor has movable goods sufficient to discharge the debt. A debtor's sureties shall not be distrained upon so long as the debtor himself can discharge his debt. If, for lack of means, the debtor is unable to discharge his debt, his sureties shall be answerable for it. If they so desire, they may have the debtor's lands and rents until they have received satisfaction for the debt that they paid for him, unless the debtor can show that he has settled his obligations to them.* (10) If anyone who has borrowed a sum of money from Jews dies before the debt has been repaid, his heir shall pay no interest on the debt for so long as he remains under age, irrespective of whom he holds his lands. If such a debt falls into the hands of the Crown, it will take nothing except the principal sum specified in the bond.* (11) If a man dies owing money to Jews, his wife may have her dower and pay nothing towards the debt from it. If he leaves children that are under age, their needs may also be provided for on a scale appropriate to the size of his holding of lands. The debt is to be paid out of the residue, reserving the service due to his feudal lords. Debts owed to persons other than Jews are to be dealt with similarly.* (12) No `scutage' or `aid' may be levied in our kingdom without its general consent, unless it is for the ransom of our person, to make our eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry our eldest daughter. For these purposes ouly a reasonable `aid' may be levied. `Aids' from the city of London are to be treated similarly.+ (13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs.* (14) To obtain the general consent of the realm for the assessment of an `aid' - except in the three cases specified above -or a `scutage', we will cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned individually by letter. To those who hold lands directly of us we will cause a general summons to be issued, through the sheriffs and other officials, to come together on a fixed day (of which at least forty days notice shall be given) and at a fixed place. In all letters of summons, the cause of the summons will be stated. When a summons has been issued, the business appointed for the day shall go forward in accordance with the resolution of those present, even if not all those who were summoned have appeared.* (15) In future we will allow no one to levy an `aid' from his free men, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry his eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid' may be levied.(16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight's `fee', or other free holding of land, than is due from it.(17) Ordinary lawsuits shall not follow the royal court around, but shall be held in a fixed place.(18) Inquests of novel disseisin, mort d'ancestor, and darrein presentment shall be taken only in their proper county court. We ourselves, or in our absence abroad our chief justice, will send two justices to each county four times a year, and these justices, with four knights of thecounty elected by the county itself, shall hold the assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place where the court meets.(19) If any assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, as many knights and freeholders shall afterwards remain behind, of those who have attended the court, as will suffice for the administration of justice, having regard to the volume of business to be done.(20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal court. None of these fines shall be imposed except by the assessment on oath of reputable men of the neighbourhood.(21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence.(22) A fine imposed upon the lay property of a clerk in holy orders shall be assessed upon the same principles, without reference to the value of his ecclesiastical benefice.(23) No town or person shall be forced to build bridges over rivers except those with an ancient obligation to do so.(24) No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other royal officials are to hold lawsuits that should be held by the royal justices.* (25) Every county, hundred, wapentake, and tithing shall remain at its ancient rent, without increase, except the royal demesne manors.(26) If at the death of a man who holds a lay `fee' of the Crown, a sheriff or royal official produces royal letters patent of summons for a debt due to the Crown, it shall be lawful for themto seize and list movable goods found in the lay `fee' of the dead man to the value of the debt, as assessed by worthy men. Nothing shall be removed until the whole debt is paid, when the residue shall be given over to the executors to carry out the dead man s will. If no debt is due to the Crown,all the movable goods shall be regarded as the property of the dead man, except the reasonable shares of his wife and children.* (27) If a free man dies intestate, his movable goods are to be distributed by his next-of-kin and friends, under the supervision of the Church. The rights of his debtors are to be preserved.(28) No constable or other royal official shall take corn or other movable goods from any man without immediate payment, unless the seller voluntarily offers postponement of this.(29) No constable may compel a knight to pay money for castle-guard if the knight is willing to undertake the guard in person, or with reasonable excuse to supply some other fit man to do it.A knight taken or sent on military service shall be excused from castle-guard for the period of this servlce.(30) No sheriff, royal official, or other person shall take horses or carts for transport from any free man, without his consent.(31) Neither we nor any royal official will take wood for our castle, or for any other purpose, without the consent of the owner.(32) We will not keep the lands of people convicted of felony in our hand for longer than a year and a day, after which they shall be returned to the lords of the `fees' concerned.(33) All fish-weirs shall be removed from the Thames, the Medway, and throughout the whole of England, except on the sea coast.(34) The writ called precipe shall not in future be issued to anyone in respect of any holding of land, if a free man could thereby be deprived of the right of trial in his own lord's court.(35) There shall be standard measures of wine, ale, and corn (the London quarter), throughout the kingdom. There shall also be a standard width of dyed cloth, russett, and haberject, namely two ells within the selvedges. Weights are to be standardised similarly.(36) In future nothing shall be paid or accepted for the issue of a writ of inquisition of life or limbs. It shall be given gratis, and not refused.(37) If a man holds land of the Crown by `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', and also holds land of someone else for knight's service, we will not have guardianship of his heir, nor of the land that belongs to the other person's `fee', by virtue of the `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', unless the `fee-farm' owes knight's service. We will not have the guardianship of a man's heir, or of land that he holds of someone else, by reason of any small property that he may hold of the Crown for a service of knives, arrows, or the like.(38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it.+ (39) No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land.+ (40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice.(41) All merchants may enter or leave England unharmed and without fear, and may stay or travel within it, by land or water, for purposes of trade, free from all illegal exactions, in accordance with ancient and lawful customs. This, however, does not apply in time of war to merchants from a country that is at war with us. Any such merchants found in our country at the outbreak of war shall be detained without injury to their persons or property, until we or our chief justice have discovered how our own merchants are being treated in the country at war with us. If our own merchants are safe they shall be safe too.* (42) In future it shall be lawful for any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, except in time of war, for some short period, for the common benefit of the realm. People that have been imprisoned or outlawedin accordance with the law of the land, people from a country that is at war with us, and merchants - who shall be dealt with as stated above - are excepted from this provision.(43) If a man holds lands of any `escheat' such as the `honour' of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other `escheats' in our hand that are baronies, at his death his heir shall give us only the `relief' and service that he would have made to the baron, had the barony been in the baron's hand. We will hold the `escheat' in the same manner as the baron held it.(44) People who live outside the forest need not in future appear before the royal justices of the forest in answer to general summonses, unless they are actually involved in proceedings or are sureties for someone who has been seized for a forest offence.* (45) We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or other officials, only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well.(46) All barons who have founded abbeys, and have charters of English kings or ancient tenure as evidence of this, may have guardianship of them when there is no abbot, as is their due.(47) All forests that have been created in our reign shall at once be disafforested.River-banks that have been enclosed in our reign shall be treated similarly.* (48) All evil customs relating to forests and warrens, foresters, warreners, sheriffs and their servants, or river-banks and their wardens, are at once to be investigated in every county by twelve sworn knights of the county, and within forty days of their enquiry the evil customs are to be abolished completely and irrevocably. But we, or our chief justice if we are not in England, are first to be informed.* (49) We will at once return all hostages and charters delivered up to us by Englishmen as security for peace or for loyal service.* (50) We will remove completely from their offices the kinsmen of Gerard de Athée, and in future they shall hold no offices in England. The people in question are Engelard de Cigogné',Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogné, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers, with Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.* (51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms.* (52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61). In cases, however, where a man was deprived or dispossessed of something without the lawful judgement of his equals by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once render justice in full.* (53) We shall have similar respite in rendering justice in connexion with forests that are to be disafforested, or to remain forests, when these were first a-orested by our father Henry or our brother Richard; with the guardianship of lands in another person's `fee', when we have hitherto had this by virtue of a `fee' held of us for knight's service by a third party; and with abbeys founded in another person's `fee', in which the lord of the `fee' claims to own a right. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice to complaints about these matters.(54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband.* (55) All fines that have been given to us unjustiy and against the law of the land, and all fines that we have exacted unjustly, shall be entirely remitted or the matter decided by a majority judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61) together with Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as hewishes to bring with him. If the archbishop cannot be present, proceedings shall continue without him, provided that if any of the twenty-five barons has been involved in a similar suit himself, his judgement shall be set aside, and someone elsechosen and sworn in his place, as a substitute for the single occasion, by the rest of the twenty-five.(56) If we have deprived or dispossessed any Welshmen of lands, liberties, or anything else in England or in Wales, without the lawful judgement of their equals, these are at once to be returned to them. A dispute on this point shall be determined in the Marches by the judgement of equals. English law shall apply to holdings of land in England, Welsh law to those in Wales, and the law of the Marches to those in the Marches. The Welsh shall treat us and ours in the same way.* (57) In cases where a Welshman was deprived or dispossessed of anything, without the lawful judgement of his equals, by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. But on our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice according to the laws of Wales and the said regions.* (58) We will at once return the son of Llywelyn, all Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace.* (59) With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander, king of Scotland, his liberties and his rights, we will treat him in the same way as our other barons of England, unless it appears from the charters that we hold from his father William, formerly king of Scotland, that he should be treated otherwise. This matter shall be resolved by the judgement of his equals in our court.(60) All these customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdomin so far as concerns our own relations with our subjects. Let all men of our kingdom, whether clergy or laymen, observe them similarly in their relations with their own men.* (61) SINCE WE HAVE GRANTED ALL THESE THINGS for God, for the better ordering of our kingdom, and to allay the discord that has arisen between us and our barons, and since we desire that they shall be enjoyed in their entirety, with lasting strength, for ever, we give and grant to the barons the following security:The barons shall elect twenty-five of their number to keep, and cause to be observed with all their might, the peace and liberties granted and confirmed to them by this charter.If we, our chief justice, our officials, or any of our servants offend in any respect against any man, or transgress any of the articles of the peace or of this security, and the offence is made known to four of the said twenty-five barons, they shall come to us - or in our absence from the kingdom to the chief justice - to declare it and claim immediate redress. If we, or in our absence abroad the chiefjustice, make no redress within forty days, reckoning from the day on which the offence was declared to us or to him, the four barons shall refer the matter to the rest of the twenty-five barons, who may distrain upon and assail us in every way possible, with the support of the whole community of the land, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, or anything else saving only our own person and those of the queen and our children, until they have secured such redress as they have determined upon. Having secured the redress, they may then resume their normal obedience to us.Any man who so desires may take an oath to obey the commands of the twenty-five barons for the achievement of these ends, and to join with them in assailing us to the utmost of his power. We give public and free permission to take this oath to any man who so desires, and at no time will we prohibit any man from taking it. Indeed, we will compel any of our subjects who are unwilling to take it to swear it at our command.If-one of the twenty-five barons dies or leaves the country, or is prevented in any other way from discharging his duties, the rest of them shall choose another baron in his place, at their discretion, who shall be duly sworn in as they were.In the event of disagreement among the twenty-five barons on any matter referred to them for decision, the verdict of the majority present shall have the same validity as a unanimousverdict of the whole twenty-five, whether these were all present or some of those summoned were unwilling or unable to appear.The twenty-five barons shall swear to obey all the above articles faithfully, and shall cause them to be obeyed by others to the best of their power.We will not seek to procure from anyone, either by our own efforts or those of a third party, anything by which any part of these concessions or liberties might be revoked or diminished. Should such a thing be procured, it shall be null and void and we will at no time make use of it, either ourselves or through a third party.* (62) We have remitted and pardoned fully to all men any ill-will, hurt, or grudges that have arisen between us and our subjects, whether clergy or laymen, since the beginning of the dispute. We have in addition remitted fully, and for our ownpart have also pardoned, to all clergy and laymen any offences committed as a result of the said dispute between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215) and the restoration of peace.In addition we have caused letters patent to be made for the barons, bearing witness to this security and to the concessions set out above, over the seals of Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, Henry archbishop of Dublin, the other bishops named above, and Master Pandulf.* (63) IT IS ACCORDINGLY OUR WISH AND COMMAND that the English Church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fulness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever.Both we and the barons have sworn that all this shall be observed in good faith and without deceit. Witness the abovementioned people and many others.Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215: the new regnal year began on 28 May).英国⼤宪章1215年受命于天的英格兰国王兼领爱尔兰宗主，诺曼第与阿奎丹公爵、安茹伯爵约翰，谨向⼤主教，主教，住持，伯爵，男爵，法官，森林宫，执⾏吏，典狱官，差⼈，及其管家吏与忠颇的⼈民致候。
公元年英国签署大宪章
公元年英国签署大宪章在公元年，英国历史上发生了一件重大的事件，那就是签署了大宪章。
大宪章（Magna Carta）被广泛认为是现代宪政制度的基石之一，对英国法律和政治体系产生了深远的影响。
本文将探讨大宪章的背景、重要内容以及对英国历史的意义。
一、背景在公元年的英国，国王约翰（John）统治下的政权混乱不堪。
约翰国王极度专制，对贵族、教廷以及平民百姓的压迫越发严重，导致国内出现了广泛的不满和抵抗。
贵族和教廷联合起来，要求制定一份保障受压迫阶层权益的法律文件，以限制君主的权力。
二、重要内容大宪章规定了君王与臣民之间的权利和义务，确保了国王不会滥用权力。
以下是大宪章的几个重要内容：1. 保障神职人员的权益：大宪章规定了教会的独立地位和自由。
这对于当时的英国社会而言具有重要意义，确保了教会在政治和法律事务中的自主权。
2. 保护贵族的权益：大宪章限制了国王对贵族及其财产的统治权力。
国王不得强迫贵族交出财产，也不能随意剥夺其继承权。
3. 保障平民的权益：大宪章中也保护了平民百姓的权益。
其中包括限制国王对土地的征收和对市民的征税权。
此外，大宪章还确保了平等的司法程序，禁止非法拘留。
4. 强调合法程序：大宪章承认了法治原则，规定了合法审判的程序和条件。
这是大宪章最重要的内容之一，也奠定了英国法律制度的基础。
三、对英国历史的意义大宪章的签署对英国历史产生了深远的意义。
首先，它确立了国王与臣民之间的权利平衡，限制了君主的滥权行为，为后来的君主立宪制打下了基础。
其次，大宪章对英国法律体系产生了深远的影响。
它将法治原则确立为国家的基本原则，维护了公民的权益，为后来的英国法律体系奠定了基石。
此外，大宪章也对欧洲大陆的政治发展产生了重要的影响。
后来的一些国家，包括美国在内，也从大宪章中获得了启示，并在建立独立的法治社会过程中借鉴了其中的原则。
在当代，大宪章仍然具有象征意义。
尽管大宪章的某些具体条款已经过时，但其核心原则仍然是现代宪政制度的基石之一。
英国大宪章历史渊源
大宪章1215年的大宪章以法律限制了英国王室的绝对权力。
大宪章（拉丁文：Magna Carta，英文：The Great Charter）是英国于1215年订立的宪法，用来限制英国国王（主要是针对当时的约翰）的绝对权力。
订立大宪章的主因是教皇、英王约翰及封建贵族对王室权力出现意见分歧。
大宪章要求王室放弃部分权力，尊重司法过程，接受王权受法律的限制。
大宪章是英国在建立宪法政治这长远历史过程的开始。
然而例如1509年上任的英国国王亨利八世随意杀害贵族和后妃，之后的玛丽一世杀害许多新教徒，接下来的伊丽莎白一世又处死贵族表亲，当时各地法官也由国王和贵族指派，可见大宪章并未被确实遵守。
目录[隐藏]1历史2 1215年的大宪章3影响4参考资料[编辑]历史诺曼人于1066年开始入侵英格兰，在诺曼人成为英国的国王后，于十一及十二世纪逐渐强大。
他们建立的集权政府，加上本地盎格鲁-撒克逊人原来的统治方法，还有盎格鲁人和诺曼人在诺曼底所拥有的土地，使英国国王在1199年成为欧洲最有权力国王。
当英王约翰在十三世纪初即位之后，一连串的事件却令英格兰的封建贵族起来反抗他，并要求限制绝对的王权。
当时英王约翰受到的压力来自三方面：首先是他夺得王位的手法遭人非议，前任英王狮心王理查在1199年死后无子，出现两名继承人，即理查的侄子亚瑟，和理查的弟弟约翰。
约翰将他的对手，亦即他的侄子不列塔尼的亚瑟囚禁，之后亚瑟便失去音讯。
很多人认为约翰是将他的亲人暗杀以取得王位。
第二，约翰与教皇就坎特伯雷大主教的任命产生争执，于是教庭向英格兰施以绝罚，约翰被迫于1213年向教皇屈服。
第三，当时法国国王占领了英国在诺曼底大部份的土地，英国的贵族要求国王夺回领土，约翰即在1214年发动对法国作战，却遭逢大败。
1215年6月10日，英格兰的封建贵族在伦敦聚集，挟持英格兰国王约翰。
约翰被迫赞成贵族提出的“男爵法案”（Articles of the Barons）。
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《大宪章》亨利二世（Henry II）死后几年，他的最小的儿子约翰（King John）继承了王位（1167——1216，1199-1216在位）。
约翰国王被认为是英格兰众王中最差劲的一位。
在成为国王之前他就恶名在外了。
约翰曾纠集一群野心家（careerist）对抗他的父亲。
当他的兄弟理查得一世（R ichard I, also known as Richard the Lionheart）在为“圣地”（Holy Land，《圣经》中的巴勒斯坦地区）而征战时，约翰则在寻求攫取王位的机会。
他贪婪地为自己聚集金钱财宝。
登上王位后，约翰国王行事更加不计后果。
在他在位六年间，他把除了在法国的一小块地之外的所有大陆领土（Continental fief）全部丧失。
许多英国人都相信那个传奇侠盗罗宾汉（Robin Hood）和约翰国王是同一时代的人。
许多关于罗宾汉的故事在民间口头传颂，尽管这些故事很多相互矛盾。
这也一定程度上说明了民众对约翰国王治下的社会环境充斥着大量严重社会问题感到不满。
约翰国王也和教皇（the Pope）发生过争吵。
1205年，坎特伯雷大教堂的僧侣（the monks of Canterbury）冒着风险没有跟约翰国王商议就选出了坎特伯雷大主教（the Archbishop of Canterbury）。
新选出的主教迫不及待地去寻求教皇的承认但约翰国王迫使僧侣举行另外一场选举以使他的财政大臣（treasurer）能成为主教。
然而教皇两方的人选都拒绝了。
教皇命令僧侣选他所宠幸的斯蒂芬·兰顿（Stephen Langton）作为坎特伯雷大主教。
愤怒的国王把遵从教皇的僧侣驱逐出了国境并没收了他们的土地收益。
为了报复约翰国王，教皇于是就对英格兰下了“禁止令”（the interdict: (in the Roman Catholic Church) a sentence debarring a person or place from ecclesiastical functions and privileges.），关闭英格兰的所有教堂并停止英格兰的所有公共服务仪式。
教皇下达了训令（bull）将约翰国王驱逐出教会（excommunicate）并威胁要废除他的王位。
约翰国王最终被迫做出了让步，不仅同意接受教皇对斯蒂芬·兰顿的大主教任命，并且承诺提供一项年贡。
约翰国王计划用军事胜利来掩饰（whitewash）自己的失政。
1213年，他建议率领他的英国群臣用战争夺回他在法国失去的，但贵族们拒绝了他这个提议。
相反，众多贵族成员正计划着结束约翰国王鲁莽专制的行事方式。
贵族们对国王约翰的失政越发不满。
1214年，诸多贵族成员聚在一起做出决定强迫国王签署他们已经准备好了的宪章（the charter）。
该宪章包含了国王不可以做的事情。
当约翰国王拒绝签署这份宪章后，贵族们组织起了军队并向伦敦进发。
约翰国王意识到他不得不和他的贵族们讲和。
1925年6月19日，国王和贵族们在兰尼米德（Runnyme de），泰晤士河（the Thames River）中离伦敦不远的一个小岛会面。
贵族们迫使国王约翰发誓遵守他们制定的《大宪章》（the Great Charter）。
Seal of King JohnKing John of England affixed this seal to the Magna Carta.有63项条款（clause）的《大宪章》（the Great Charter, or the Magna Carta）是英国历史上一份极其重要的文件。
它之于英国人几乎就像《独立宣言》（the Declaration of In dependence）之于美国人。
它被称为英国历史的“基石”（“the corner stone of English h istory”）。
它最重要的一些规定（provision）如下：（1）国王必须承诺尊重他的臣属们的权利，而接着臣属们也必须尊重他们属下的权利。
（2）商人们不会因微不足道的过失而被剥夺货物，农夫们也不会因此被没收货运马车（wa gon）和农具（implement）。
没有经过由大贵族组成的议会（Great Council）的同意不能征税（levy）。
（3）不许以任何方式关押、放逐、处罚自由民（freeman）除非他被由公民组成的陪审团（j ury）定罪。
（4）国王应准许商人自由的活动并且应尊重众多城镇的基本权利（the privileges）。
《大宪章》是英格兰宪政实践（constitutional experiment）的第一步。
它尝试通过定义国王和他的贵族们之间各自的权利和义务以建立起他们之间的法定关系。
《大宪章》规定保护商人阶层的权益，促进了商业贸易和手工业的发展。
《大宪章》为英国和美国的法律体系树立了基本的准则。
它规定个人的生命、财产、自由受到保护，限制了王权。
判决必须在法庭审判后才能下达。
每人在被判决是有罪前都是无罪的。
所有这些准则最初只是为保护特权阶层而设计，但后来扩大到保护广大的平民并建立起了西方世界保护人类权利的基础。
尽管最初《大宪章》只保护了占总人口百分之十二的自由民（freeman），而占人口大多数的农奴（serf）和农民（peasant）获得的利益几乎为零，但是《大宪章》仍然象征了英国历史发展的转折点。
法律条文开始挑战封建专制（feudal despotism）。
选出的24位贵族外加伦敦市长（the Mayor of London）组成的委员会负责保障《大宪章》的执行。
如果国王违反了条款，该委员会拥有向国王宣战的权利。
议院的开始（Beginning of Parliament）《大宪章》于1215年签署后，约翰国王从未有执行它的意图。
他反对任何妥协，认为唯一能使他的权力得到保障的方法就是战争。
他雇佣了士兵并发动了战争，但最终失败并于1216年逝世避免了制造更多的问题。
他的九岁儿子被推上了王位成为亨利三世（Henry III）（1207-1272，1216-1272在位）。
在他执政之初并未担当任何重大角色，因为他处于以他名义治理这个国家的一群贵族的控制之下。
随着亨利三世慢慢长大，他决定接收权力并以自己的方式统治国家。
亨利三世和法国公主，普罗旺斯的埃莉诺（Eleanor of Provence）结婚后便安排因此涌入英格兰的他的国外的亲信进入教堂和政府的重要位置。
他向法国发动了代价高昂的战争以图重新夺得失去的领土。
1258年，他为了自己的儿子要求增加开销，这导致了严重的事态。
亨利三世在很多方面都很像他的父亲，一些历史学家把他们比喻成chips off the same block。
领导贵族们反抗亨利三世的那个人名叫西蒙·得·蒙特福特（Simon de Montfort）。
他是法国一个古老贵族家族的成员，因为他和亨利三世的妹妹结婚而拥有很大的影响力。
他被英国历史铭记不仅是因为他作为自由的拥护者（a champion of liberty），而且他还是优秀的战士。
1 258年，在他的领导下，贵族们强迫亨利三世以及他的儿子爱德华王子（Prince Edward）发誓接受《牛津条例》（the Provisions of Oxford）。
《牛津条例》最主要的两项条款是：亨利三世应任命新的24人议会，其中一半成员由贵族担任；国王应有一个有15个贵族和主教组成的永久性团体辅佐自己，没有该团体的同意国王不能下达旨意。
国王拒绝执行《牛津条例》。
在蒙特福特领导下，1264年贵族们的军队在英格兰东南部和国王作战。
结果1265年国王和整个皇族被击败并被贵族们俘虏。
在亨利三世被关押后，蒙特福特决定改革整个政府。
那时已经存在由贵族和神职人员组成的大议会（the Great Council, established after the Norman Conquest and derived from t he Anglo-Saxon Witan）。
国王不时召集议会举行会议以获得执行重大政府事务的建议。
现在西蒙和他的支持者决定对大议会的组织结构做一些改变。
除了贵族成员和高级教士（prelate），每个郡（county）的两名普通骑士以及每个高度发展的城镇（more flourishing town）的两名公民（citizens）被允许加入大议会的成员里参与讨论，大议会（the Great Council）于是就改名为议院（Parliament）。
“Parliament”源自法语单词，意为“发言”（speak）。
因此新的机构意思就是讨论或争论事件的地方。
早先，尽管平民代表（the commons: knights and citizens）和上层统治者（Lord: baro ns and bishops）同坐于会议厅，但受到贵族们的冷落和嘲笑，影响力有限。
后来，平民选择自己单独成立一个和上层贵族分离的议会（chamber）举行会议。
由平民组成的议院成了“下议院”（the House of Commons），而由贵族和神职人员组成的议院成了“上议院”（the House of Lords）。
两院一起组成了英格兰的立法机构。
这种机构的形式是世界历史上伟大的首创。
议院的会议在泰晤士河畔的威斯敏斯特区（Westminster）皇宫大厅举行，但最初只有接到国王的邀请议院才开会。
它的任务是向国王提出建议。
下议院代表可以以诉状（petition）的形式向国王提交意见和建议。
这些诉状实际上是最早的议院议案（Parliament bill），当国王准许通过后，便成为正式的法律。
即使到了现在皇家的认同（assent）仍用法语书写——英语的意思就是“t he King/Queen permits it”。
当时议院没有选举、没有政党，而且上议院的作用影响要远比下议院重要。
这种情况一直持续到19世纪末。