新自由主义的本质(一)

新自由主义的本质(一)

(The essence of neoliberalism)新自由主义的本质 1)As the dominant discourse would have it, the economic world is a pure and perfect order, implacably unrolling the logic of its predictable consequences, and prompt to repress all violations by the sanctions that it inflicts, either automatically or - more unusually - through the intermediary of its armed extensions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the policies they impose: reducing labour costs, reducing public expenditures and making work more flexible. Is the dominant discourse right? What if, in reality, this economic order were no more than the implementation of a utopia - the utopia of neoliberalism - thus converted into a political problem? One that, with the aid of the economic theory that it proclaims, succeeds in conceiving of itself as the scientific description of reality? 主流的言论认为，经济领域秩序纯洁,完美，不可改变的展

开了其可预见后果的逻辑，并迅速镇压了因它制裁而引起的一切侵犯，无论是不是自动的- 更不寻常的是- 通过其武装扩展的中介，国际货币基金（IMF）和经济合作与发展组织

（经合组织）和他们所能利用的政策：降低劳动成本，减少公共开支，使工作更加灵活。是主导的话语权吗？在现实中，如果这种经济秩序并不比一个乌托邦的实现更加–新自由主义的乌托邦–容易转化为一个政治问题，那将会怎么样？其中一个问题就是，在它所宣布的经济理论的援助下，现实的科学描述设想取得了成功？ 2)This tutelary theory is a pure mathematical fiction. From the start it has been founded on a formidable abstraction. For, in the name of a narrow and strict conception of rationality as individual rationality, it brackets the economic and social conditions of rational orientations and the economic and social structures that are the condition of their application. 这种保护理论是纯粹的数学虚构，从一开始就建立在抽象的基础上。因为，以一条狭窄的合理性和严格的概念名义，包括合理取向及经济和社会结构是其申请条件的经济和社会条件。 3)To give the measure of this omission, it is enough to think just of the educational system. Education is never taken account of as such at a time when it plays a determining role in the production of goods and services as in the production of the producers themselves. From this sort of original sin, inscribed in the Walrasian myth (1) of "pure theory", flow all of the deficiencies and faults

of the discipline of economics and the fatal obstinacy with which it attaches itself to the arbitrary opposition which it induces, through its mere existence, between a properly economic logic, based on competition and efficiency, and social logic, which is subject to the rule of fairness. 对遗漏进行衡量，单单考虑教育制度就足够了。当它在生产者的产品中的

生产商品和服务起着决定性的作用时，教育从来都没被考虑在内。从这个原罪中，写在瓦尔拉斯神话上的“纯理论”，流躺着经济纪律的缺点、和由它自身附加的任意反对而引发的

致命的不足，通过它的存在，正确的经济逻辑之间，以竞争和效率，还有社会逻辑为基础，这是符合公平原则的。 4)That said, this "theory" that is desocialised and dehistoricised at its roots has, today more than ever, the means of making itself true and empirically

verifiable. In effect, neoliberal discourse is not just one discourse among many. Rather, it is

a "strong discourse" - the way psychiatric discourse is in an asylum, in Erving Goffman's analysis (2). It is so strong and so hard to combat only because it has on its side all of the forces of a world of relations of forces, a world that it contributes to making what it is. It does this most notably by orienting the economic choices of those who dominate economic relationships. It thus adds its own symbolic force to these relations of forces. In the name of this scientific programme, converted into a plan of political action, an immense political project is underway, although its status as such is denied because it appears to be purely negative. This project aims to create the conditions under which the "theory" can be realised and can function: a programme of the methodical destruction of collectives. 这表示，今天比以往任何时候都多，这种“理论”从根本上脱离了社会情况和历史情况，使自己成为

真正的以经验为依据的可证实的手段。实际上，新自由主义的话语不仅仅是很多话语中的一种。相反，在欧文戈夫曼的分析中，它是一个“强有力的话语” –是精神话语方式的一个

庇护.它是如此强烈，所以很难对付，只是因为关系着世界力量的力量站在它那边，它有

助于使这个世界成为什么样子。它做着最显着的，占主导地位的经济关系的经济选择。因此，它增加了自己的力量，而力量象征这些关系。在这一科学计划的名称为一个政治行动，一个巨大的政治转化项目计划，正在进行，尽管其地位，这就是被拒绝，因为它似乎是纯粹消极的。该项目旨在建立所依据，“理论”的实现和形成作用：一个集团有条不紊的销毁

方案。 5)The movement toward the neoliberal utopia of a pure and perfect market is made possible by the politics of financial deregulation. And it is achieved through the transformative and, it must be said, destructive action of all of the political measures (of which the most recent is the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), designed to protect foreign corporations and their investments from national states) that aim to call

into question any and all collective structures that could serve as an obstacle to the logic of the pure market: the nation, whose space to manoeuvre continually decreases; work groups, for example through the individualisation of salaries and of careers as a function of individual competences, with the consequent atomisation of workers; collectives for the defence of the rights of workers, unions, associations, cooperatives; even the family, which loses part of its control over consumption through the constitution of markets by age groups. 这使一个纯粹的，完善的市场新自由主义的乌托邦运动，通过经济反常的政策下，成为可能。它是通过变革，并必须指出，有关的政治措施（其中最近的是关于多边投资协定（MAI）的，目的是保护外国公司和他们的投资从民族国家的所有破坏性行动）旨在质

疑任何及所有集体结构，可以作为纯粹的市场逻辑障碍：在国家他的活动空间不断减少工作组，例如，通过个性化的工资，作为一个职业生涯功能的个人能力，与随之而来的工人雾化;为工人，工会，协会的维权集体，合作社，甚至家庭，通过各年龄层组成的市场，

部分失去了对消费的控制。 6)The neoliberal programme draws its social power from the political and economic power of those whose interests it expresses: stockholders, financial operators, industrialists, conservative or social-democratic politicians who have been

converted to the reassuring layoffs of laisser-faire, high-level financial officials eager to impose policies advocating their own extinction because, unlike the managers of firms, they run no risk of having eventually to pay the consequences. Neoliberalism tends on the whole to favour severing the economy from social realities and thereby constructing, in reality, an economic system conforming to its description in pure theory, that is a sort of logical machine that presents itself as a chain of constraints regulating economic agents.

该新自由主义计划吸引了来自的政治和经济的那些表示它利益的权力的社会权力：股东，金融机构，工业，保守的或社会民主的，已被转换为自由放任，高层次的金融政治家安心裁员，官员热衷于鼓吹自己的政策加以了他们的灭绝，因为不同的公司的经理，他们不曾冒着最后支付后果的危险。新自由主义倾向总体上有利于切断来自社会现实描述，从而构建现实，经济，经济制度符合其在纯理论的描述，这是一个逻辑机器，表现为经济行为主体的规范约束链本身进行排序。 7)The globalisation of financial markets, when joined with the progress of information technology, ensures an unprecedented mobility of capital. It gives investors concerned with the short-term profitability of their investments the possibility of permanently comparing the profitability of the largest corporations and, in consequence, penalising these firms' relative setbacks. Subjected to this permanent threat, the corporations themselves have to adjust more and more rapidly to the exigencies of the markets, under penalty of "losing the market's confidence", as they say, as well as the support of their stockholders. The latter, anxious to obtain short-term profits, are more and more able to impose their will on managers, using financial directorates to establish the rules under which managers operate and to shape their policies regarding hiring, employment, and wages. 随着信息技术的进步，金融市场的全球化确保了前所未有的资金流动性。它给在其投资的短期盈利的永久比较，最大的公司盈利和后果的可能性，有关投资者，相对于这些公司所受到的挫折的惩罚。正如他们所说的，受到这种永久的威胁，根据“失去了市场的信心”，以及其股东的支持，企业必须更多地调整自己，更快地适应对市场的迫切需要。后者急于获得短期利润，越来越多的管理人员能够对自己的意志，利用金融的主管部门制定的规则下运作，形成管理人员的雇佣方面的政策，就业和工资。

8)Thus the absolute reign of flexibility is established, with employees being hiring on fixed-term contracts or on a temporary basis and repeated corporate restructurings and, within the firm itself, competition among autonomous divisions as well as among teams forced to perform multiple functions. Finally, this competition is extended to individuals themselves, through the individualisation of the wage relationship: establishment of individual performance objectives, individual performance evaluations, permanent evaluation, individual salary increases or granting of bonuses as a function of competence and of individual merit; individualised career paths; strategies of "delegating responsibility" tending to ensure the self-exploitation of staff who, simple wage labourers in relations of strong hierarchical dependence, are at the same time held responsible for their sales, their products, their branch, their store, etc. as though they were independent contractors. This

pressure toward "self-control" extends workers' "involvement" according to the techniques of "participative management" considerably beyond management level. All of these are techniques of rational domination that impose over-involvement in work (and not only among management) and work under emergency or high-stress conditions. And they converge to weaken or abolish collective standards or solidarities (3). 因此，绝对统治的灵活性是建立在被雇用,员工处合同或临时和重复公司重组,并在该公司本身之间的竞争中自主分部以及被迫进行多重功能的团队。最后，这种竞争延伸到个人本身，通过个性化的工资关系：建立个人业绩目标，个人业绩评估，永久评估，个人加薪或发放奖金作为主管职能和个人的优点，个性化的职业生涯路径;战略“下放责任”倾向，以确保自身的工作人员谁，在强烈的依赖关系的简单层次工资的劳动者，在同一时间开发对自己负责销售，其产品的，其分支机构，其商店等。仿佛他们是独立的承包商。这种对“自我控制压力”延伸管理水平大大超过工人的“按照”参与管理“的技术参与”。所有这些都是合理的统治强加过分参与工作（不仅在管理）和紧急情况下工作或高应力条件下的技术。他们联合起来以便削弱或取消集体规格或团结。 9)In this way, a Darwinian world emerges - it is the struggle of all against all at all levels of the hierarchy, which finds support through everyone clinging to their job and organisation under conditions of insecurity, suffering, and stress. Without a doubt, the practical establishment of this world of struggle would not succeed so completely without the complicity of all of the precarious arrangements that produce insecurity and of the existence of a reserve army of employees rendered docile by these social processes that make their situations precarious, as well as by the permanent threat of unemployment. This reserve army exists at all levels of the hierarchy, even at the higher levels, especially among managers. The ultimate foundation of this entire economic order placed under the sign of freedom is in effect the structural violence of unemployment, of the insecurity of job tenure and the menace of layoff that it implies. The condition of the "harmonious" functioning of the individualist micro-economic model is a mass phenomenon, the existence of a reserve army of the unemployed. 这样，世界上出现一个达尔文 - 它反对在层次结构的所有一切斗争，其中每个人都坚持认为，通过对他们的工作和组织条件下的不安全，痛苦和压力支持所有级别。毫无疑问，这个世界的斗争实践的建立将不会成功，所以完全没有对产生的不安全和一个雇员的后备军的存在使得这些不稳定的情况，使他们的社会进程驯服岌岌可危安排所有的同谋，以及失业的长期威胁。这后备军的存在有层次结构的所有层次，甚至在更高的水平，尤其是管理人员。这个整个经济下的自由以便最终签署置于有效的基础是结构性失业暴力，对工作任期不安全和裁员，这意味着威胁。而“和谐”的个人主义的微观经济模式运作的条件是一个普遍现象，一个失业后备军的存在。 10)This structural violence also weighs on what is called the labour contract (wisely rationalised and rendered unreal by the "theory of contracts"). Organisational discourse has never talked as much of trust, co-operation, loyalty, and organisational culture as in an era when adherence to the organisation is obtained at each moment by eliminating all temporal guarantees of employment (three-quarters of hires are for fixed

duration, the proportion of temporary employees keeps rising, employment "at will" and the right to fire an individual tend to be freed from any restriction). 这种结构性暴力与什么是所谓的劳动合同（明智的合理化，致使合同的“理论不真实”）同样重要。组织架构话语从来没有说过一样的信任，合作，忠诚，组织文化，在这个时代，加入该组织是在每个时刻通过消灭所有就业（3季度的雇用时间保证有固定期限，临时雇员的比例不断上升的就业“随意”的权利和消防个人，往往是摆脱任何限制）。