美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说

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罗斯福首次就职演说

罗斯福首次就职演说

罗斯福首次就职演说让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。

罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which isessential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must beforgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects tostimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work,we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of theUnited States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken worldmay require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their needthey have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.。

美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,I stand before you today humbled and honored to take the sacred oath of office as the 32nd President of the United States of America. I am fully aware of the gravity of the responsibility that comes with this position, and I pledge to do my utmost to serve this great nation to the best of my ability.As we gather here today, we are faced with unprecedented challenges. We are in the depths of a profound economic crisis that has left millions of Americans unemployed and struggling to make ends meet. We are also confronting the growing threat of international conflicts that threaten the security and stability of our nation and the world.But in the face of these challenges, we must remain resolute and steadfast. We must draw upon the courage and determination of those who came before us to confront adversity and emerge stronger and more resilient than ever.It is my belief that the only way we can face these challenges is through a united and cooperative effort. We must reach across divides of race, religion, and political ideology to find common ground and work together towards a brighter future for all Americans.As I enter into this office, I am mindful of the great responsibility that comes with it. I am humbled by the trust that has been placed in me by the American people, and I vow to work tirelessly to earnand maintain that trust.In the days, weeks, and months ahead, I will work closely with my fellow Americans to help create jobs and secure our economic future. I will work tirelessly to ensure that every American has access to quality healthcare and education, and I will work to promote the values of democracy, freedom, and justice both at home and abroad.But I cannot do this alone. I call upon all Americans, regardless of political affiliation, to join me in this noble effort to build a better and more just society. Together, we can overcome the challenges that lie ahead and leave a brighter future for the generations to come.Thank you, and God Bless the United States of America.。

富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲

富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲

富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一:罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。

他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。

值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。

现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。

我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。

我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。

因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。

在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。

我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。

感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。

价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。

只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。

我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。

我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。

大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。

我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。

这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。

贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。

他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们:在我接受美国总统职位之际,我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。

我明白,我所面临的挑战是巨大的,但我也深信,只要我们共同努力,我们将能够克服一切困难,实现美国的伟大梦想。

我们所处的时刻是艰难的。

我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退,数以百万计的人们失去了工作,贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。

然而,我要告诉你们,这不是我们失败的标志,而是我们的机会。

这是我们改变的时刻,我们要发扬美国人民的精神,重振我们的国家。

我们必须首先解决经济问题。

我将领导一项全面的计划,以刺激经济增长,减少失业率。

我将努力推动立法,为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助,并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。

此外,我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。

我们必须改善我们的教育系统,确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。

我们必须保护我们的环境,采取措施应对气候变化。

我们还必须加强我们的国家安全,确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。

在我们面临这些挑战的同时,我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。

我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺,我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。

我们要努力促进和平与稳定,并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。

最后,我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。

我们必须超越党派之争,抛弃分裂和仇恨,共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。

我们必须相信,只有通过团结和合作,我们才能取得成功。

国民们,我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务,但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。

让我们携起手来,为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力!谢谢大家,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!第二篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们:我站在这里的时候,我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。

美国第26任总统 西奥多·罗斯福就职演说

美国第26任总统 西奥多·罗斯福就职演说

就职演说1905年3月4日* *西奥多·罗斯福于1901年9月第二十五任总统威廉·麦金莱遇刺身亡后继任总统,1904年正式当选总统。

这里刊登的是他正式就职时发表的演说。

同胞们:世界上没有哪一个民族比我们更有理由感到欣慰,这样说决无炫耀我们自己的实力之意,而是满怀虔诚地向上帝表达感激之情,感谢他为我们创造条件,使我们能够获得如此巨大的物质财富和如此美好的幸福生活。

我们作为一个民族,已经得到上帝许可,在这片新大陆上奠定我们国民生活的基础。

我们是过去一切时代的继承者,但我们却几乎不必承受那些古老国家中由某种以往文明的传统势力所强加的惩罚。

我们从未为生存所迫而与任何异族作战,但我们的生活却仍然一直在呼唤活力和奋斗,因为舍此我们那些更加雄健刚毅的美德就会丧失殆尽。

在这样的条件下,倘若我们仍然遭到失败,那就是我们自己的过失;我们在过去已经获得的成功,以及我们确信未来将带给我们的胜利,不应在我们心里激起狂妄自大的情绪,而毋宁应使我们对生活赋予我们的一切,保持深刻而恒久的意识,使我们充分认识自己肩负的责任,并以坚定不移的决心展示,一个处于自由政府之下的强大民族一定能够兴旺发达,无论在物质生活还是在精神生活方面都会如此。

赋予我们的东西既然很多,那么期望于我们的理所当然也就不少。

我们对他人和对自己都负有种种责任,对此我们都不能逃避。

我们已成为一个伟大的国家,我们在同世界上其他国家交往时,这一事实促使我们的行为举止必须像一个负有这种责任的民族。

我们对其他所有的国家都应抱有真心实意的友好态度,而不问其国家的大小强弱。

我们不仅应当用言辞而且应当用行动来显示,我们热切地期望本着公正和宽厚地承认其一切权利的精神对待他们,从而博得他们的好感。

但公正和宽宏大量之于一个国家正如对个人一样,只有由强者而不是弱者表现出来才最有意义。

我们从来都小心地避免损害他人,因而我们同样应当分毫不减地坚持自己不受虐待。

我们盼望和平,但我们盼望的是正义的和平,是光明正大的和平。

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说_0

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说_0

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说篇一:1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说11933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说FirstofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePresidencyiwi llthemwithaandawhichthepresentsituationofournationimpels.Thisispreemi nentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth,franklyandboldly.norneedwes hrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourcountrytoday.Thisgreatnationwill asithasendured,willandwill.So,firstofall,letmemyfirmbeliefthattheonlythin gwehavetofearisfearitself--nameless,ueasoning,whichparalyzesneededeffo rtstointoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeadershipofandhasme twiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeoplethemselveswhichistovictory .iamthatyouwillagaingivethatsupporttoleadershipinthesedays.insuchaspirit onmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.They,thankGod,only materialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentolevels;taxeshaverisen;ourabilitytopa yhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseriouscurtailmentofincome;the meansofarefrozenintheoftrade;thewitheredleavesofindustriallieoneverysid e;farmersfindnomarketsfortheir;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffami liesaregone.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumberwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcanthedar krealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta useofitlanguishesintheverysightofthe.Primarilythisisbecausetherulersofthe ofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheir own,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesofthemoneychangers standinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedbytheheartsandmindsofmen. Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureoftheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremoney.oft helureofprofitbywhichtoourpeopletofollowtheirfalseleadership,theyhavere sortedtoexhortations,tearfullyfor.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofse lf-seekers.Theyhavenovision,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeople. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilizatio n.wemaynowthattempletotheancienttruths.Theoftheliesinthetowhichweap plyvaluesmorenoblethanmereprofit. Happinessliesnotinthemereofmoney;itliesinthejoyof,inthethrillofeffort.Th ejoyandmoralofworknolongermustbeforgotteninthemadofprofits.Thesedar kdayswillbeworthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministereduntobuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. ofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandinhandwithth eabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpoliticalpositionaret obevaluedonlybythestandardsofofplaceandpersonalprofit;andtheremustbe anendtoainbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenhasgiventoatrusttheofands elfish.Smallwonderthatlanguishes,foritthrivesonlyon,onhonor,onthesacred nessofobligations,on,on;withoutthemitcannotlive.calls,however,notforchangesinalone.Thisnationasksforaction,andactionno w.ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeinpartbydirectrecruitingbytheGov ernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthe sametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlyneededprojectsto andreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byonanationalina,endeavortoprovideabetteruseof thelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelpedbyeffortstoraiseth evaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthepowertotheoutputofourcities.i tcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticallythetragedyofthegrowinglossthrough ofoursmallhomesandourfarms.itcanbehelpedbythattheFederal,State,andlo calgovernmentsactforthwithonthethattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanb ehelpedbytheunifyingofactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforandofallformsofandof communicationsandotherutilitieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.The rearemanywaysinwhichitcanbehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedbytalkingabo utit.wemustactandactquickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofw orkwerequiretwosafeguardsagainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;therem ustbeaofallbankingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtowithoth erpeople'smoney,andtheremustbeforanbutsoundcurrency. Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyuponanewcongressinspecialsessio nmeasuresfortheir,andishallseektheoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweourselvestoputtingourownnationalhousein orderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelations,thoug hvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandsecondarytotheofasoundnationaleco nomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoffirstthingsfirst.ishallnoeffortto worldtradebyinternationaleconomicreadjustment,buttheemergencyathome cannotwaitonthat. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itisthe,asafirst,upontheofthevariouselementsinallpartsoft heUnitedStates--aoftheoldandimportantoftheamericanspiritofthepioneer.it isthewayto.itistheway.itisthestrongestthatthewill. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwouldthisnationtothepolicyofthegoodneighbor--t heneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso,respectsthe rightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespectsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeouroneachother;thatwecannottakebutwemustgiveaswell;thatifwear etogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarmytoforthegoodofacomm on,becausewithoutsuchdisciplinenoprogressismade,noleadershipbecomes. weare,iknow,readyandwillingtoourlivesandtosuchdiscipline,becauseitmak espossiblealeadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgi ngthatthelargerpurposeswillbinduponusallasawithaunityofdutyevokedonly intimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleaders hipofthisgreatarmyofourpeopletoaattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourissosimpleandpracticalthatitispossib lealwaystomeetneedsbychangesinandwithoutlossofform.Thatiswhyoursys temhasproveditselfthemostpoliticalthemodernworldhasproduced.ithasmet everyofof,offoreignwars,ofbitterstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollytomeetthetaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedentedandneedforundelayedactionmaycallforfromthatbalanceofpu blic.iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutyto(:1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说)recommendthemeasuresthatastrickennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuchothermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildo utofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishallseek,withinmyconstitutional,tobringtos peedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstill,ishallnottheclearcourseofdutythatw illthenme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingtomeetthecrisis--broadp owertowageawaragainsttheemergency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegive ntomeifwewereinfactinvadedbyaforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthethatbefitthetime.icand onoless. wefacethedaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunity;withth eclearofseekingoldandmoralvalues;withthecleanthatcomesfromtheofdutyb yoldandyoungalike.weaimattheofaroundedandnationallife. wedonotthefutureof.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStateshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredathattheywantdirect,action.T heyhaveaskedforanddirectionunderleadership.Theyhave mademethepresentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftitakeit. inthisofanationweasktheofGod.mayHeeachandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。

罗斯福就职演讲稿

罗斯福就职演讲稿

罗斯福就职演讲稿【篇一:罗斯福就职演说】1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说这是奉献的日子。

值此就职之际,同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势,向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。

现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。

我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。

我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难,而且还将复兴,繁荣。

因此,首先允许我表明我坚定的信念,我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧,它阻碍人们做出必要的努力,反败为胜。

在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期,每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持,这是胜利的根本保证。

我深信,在目前的危急时刻,你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。

我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。

感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。

购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度;税收增加;人们的支持能力下降;各级政府机关面临着严重的经费削减;现行的贸易交易途径被冻结;工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零;农场主无法找到销售市场;成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。

更为严重的是,大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境,而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。

只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。

然而,我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。

我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。

与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比,我们要幸运的多了。

而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了这一切。

大自然的恩泽不断,而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。

我们的门廊前堆满了财富,但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。

这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。

他们已经承认了失败,自动引退了。

钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责,并为世人所唾弃。

是的,他们曾经努力过,但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。

面对着信用危机,他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。

他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众,一旦失去了利润的诱饵,他们便不惜恩惠并施,声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。

美国总统罗斯福的炉边谈话

美国总统罗斯福的炉边谈话

美国总统罗斯福的炉边谈话“炉边谈话”是美国前总统富兰克林·罗斯福利用收音机向美国人民进行宣传进行政治性公共活动的事例之一。

1933年3月12日(即罗斯福就任美国总统后的第八天),罗斯福在总统府外宾接待室的壁炉前接受美国广播公司、哥伦比亚广播公司和共同广播公司的录音采访,工作人员在壁炉前安装了扩音器。

总统说:“希望这次讲话亲切些,免去官场那一套排场,就像坐在自己家里,双方随意交谈。

”哥伦比亚广播公司驻华盛顿办事处经理哈里·不彻说:“既然如此,那就叫‘炉边谈话’吧。

”罗斯福总统的第一次广播演讲是由CBS的罗伯特·特劳特向公众介绍的,“总统希望来到你的家里,坐在壁炉旁,与大家进行炉边小谈。

”这份亲切的介绍词受到了罗斯福的肯定。

与此同时,罗斯福则想象人们“聚在客厅里,与他们的邻居共同倾听。

”曾经亲历了无数次广播现场采访的弗朗西斯·珀金斯在他的日记中写道:“当罗斯福说话的时候,他点着头,并且做出各种自然而放松的手势。

他的面孔熠熠生辉,就好像真的和人们坐在一起谈话一样。

罗斯福确实有进行‘炉边谈话’天赋,他的音质优美,语调放松。

”罗斯福在其12年总统任期内,共进行了30次“炉边谈话”这些谈话,在内政方面涉及拯救金融和恢复工业等重大方针政策,在外交和军事方面涉及20世纪最大的人类战争——第二次世界大战。

每当美国面临重大事件时,总统都会用“炉边谈话”这种方式和美国人民沟通。

在罗斯福上任后雷厉风行地推动第一次新政时,这种方法的作用显得最为突出。

在就职后的第二个星期日,罗斯福精心准备的“炉边谈话”便与全国民众见面了。

罗斯福的定位非常清楚,“我一定让普通工人也能听得懂我的演讲。

”罗斯福进行第一次“炉边谈话”的核心是拯救金融。

罗斯福新政由此开始。

1929年,美国经济出现大萧条居面。

一时间,财政金融一片混乱,工人罢工风起云涌,农民抗议此起彼伏,胡佛政府手忙脚乱,一筹莫展。

罗斯福临危受命,宣誓就职,发表了进过长时间思考的充满自信与激情的、简洁缜密的就职演说。

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美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说
1933年 3月 4日
富兰克林·罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。

他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。

值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。

现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。

我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。

我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。

因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。

在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。

我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。

感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。

价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。

只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。

我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。

我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。

大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。

我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。

这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。

贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的,他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。

面对着信用的失败,他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。

他们失去了利润的吸引力,无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导,于是他们就不惜进行敲诈,痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。

他们没有预见,而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。

钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。

我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。

能够恢复到什么程度,则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。

幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上;它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐,创造性工作所激发出的快感。

一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。

我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的,如果我们从中汲取教训,认识到我们不应该听天由命,而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚;同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法,它常常使得神圣的委托浑似无情和自私的恶行。

难怪信心在减退,因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心;没有这一切,信心出就不能存在。

然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。

祖国要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。

我们的首要任务是给人民工作。

我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来,这项任务并不是不能解决的。

部分地可以由政府直接招雇,象战时紧急状况那样,同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程,从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。

与此同时,我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩,因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人,一方面使土地得到更好的利用,一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。

为了促成此项工作,要采取具体措施提高农产品价值,从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。

要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。

要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求.要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。

要把一切形式的交通运输和其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。

总之,可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的,唯有空谈无用。

我们必须行动起来,迅速行动起来。

最后,在恢复阶段中,我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证:必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资,以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动;必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。

这就是我们的行动路线。

我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施,我还将要求各州立即提供支援。

通过此项行动纲领,我们将致力于整顿财政,平衡收支。

我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要,但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。

我主张采取切合实际的政策,分清轻重缓急。

我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易,但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。

国家复兴的这些具体方法,其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。

我们首先考虑的是:坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。

这是复兴的道路。

这是直接的道路。

这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。

在对外政策方面,我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己,从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务,也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。

如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确,尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解,我们现在则已经理解到:我们不能只要有所得。

也要有所贡献;我们要前进,我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样,为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲,因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进,就不可能实现有效的领导。

我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产,因为,只有实现这样的纪律,才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。

我愿意提供这样的项导,保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束,从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。

作了这项保证之后,我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军,纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。

我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式,纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。

我们的宪法是简明扼要的,总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变,而无需动摇其基本形式。

正是因为如此,我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。

它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。

但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。

然而,史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。

我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。

这些措施,以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施,我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。

然而,万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式,万一全国紧急状况仍然严重,我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。

我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——
向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力,就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。

对于给予我的信任,我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。

我决不会有负众望。

我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日,深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气,明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念,坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。

我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。

我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。

合众国的人民并未气馁。

在困难中,他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。

他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。

他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。

我也是以这样的精神来担当的。

值此全国奉献之际,我们恳请上帝赐福。

祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。

祝愿上帝指引我前进。

(录自《罗斯福选集》,第1418页。

)。

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