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1.Island of Palmas case(1928)--帕尔马斯岛案例(先占、发现、条约对第三国的效力问题)
The island of Palmas lies 50 miles south east of the Philippine island of Mindanao. under the treaty of Paris 1898, which brought to an end the Spanish-American War of 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines to the US. In 1906, a US official visited Palmas, believing it to be part of the territory of the Philippines, and found the Dutch exercising sovereignty. There followed a protracted dispute between US and the Netherlands, which was finally submitted to arbitration in1928.
US claimed it was successor to Spain, principally on discovery. There are evidence that Spain had discovered the island in the 17th century but there was no evidence of any actual exercise of sovereignty over the island by Spain.
The view of arbitrator
Max Huber held that the most that discovery alone could create was an inchoate title, which required completion within a reasonable time by effective occupation. On the other hand, Huber found that the Netherlands had shown a peaceful and continuous and public display of authority over the island from ay least 1700. such authority existed in1898 and had never been the subject of challenge by any other state. On the basis, it was decided that the island of Palmas formed part of Netherlands territory. Arbitration on the Island of Palmas
帕尔玛斯岛又称米昂哥斯岛.位于菲律宾棉兰老岛与荷兰居地东印度群岛(印度尼西亚群岛)的纳萨岛之间。
面积不足2平方英里。
西班牙人于16世纪最早发现了该岛,但没有对它实行有效统治,也没有行使主权的表现。
而荷兰的东印度公司从17世纪就开始与该岛的人往来,并把该岛变成它的殖民地——东印度群岛的组成部分,而且一直对它实行有效控制。
1898年.美国和西班牙战争结束后,两国于同年12月10日签订了《巴黎和约》。
依该约规定,西班牙将其殖民地菲律宾包括帕尔玛斯岛在内的领土割让给美国。
1906年,美国驻棉兰老岛一个军官到该岛旅游参观时发现此岛被荷兰占领着,悬挂着荷兰国旗。
美国随后便向荷兰提出交涉。
认为西班牙因最先发现了该岛而取得对它的所有权.而美国作为西班牙的“继承者”,亦应享有该岛的主权。
荷兰认为它是该岛的合法统治者,它对该岛的主权是通过和平的和有效的占领而取得。
双方为该岛的主权发生了争端。
虽经谈判也未得到解决。
后经协商于1925年1月23日达成仲裁协议.决定将该岛的归属问题提交海牙常设仲裁院裁决。
并共同选定了瑞士法学家Max Huber法官为本案的独任仲裁员。
1928年4月4日.Max Huber法官对本案做出裁决,裁定荷兰具有对帕尔玛斯岛的主权,这种主权应予确认。
西班牙不具有该岛的主权。
美国对帕尔玛斯岛的权利主张源于《巴黎和约》关于该岛的割让条款,但美国作为西班牙权利的继承国不能根据该相约取得比西班牙在1898年拥有的更多权利。
由于西班牙在1898年时对帕尔玛斯岛没有领土主权,所以美国不能继承这种权利。
帕尔玛案的判决仅适用有人类居住的岛屿
Max Huber法官认为西班牙虽然于16世纪首先发现了帕尔玛斯岛.但按19世纪以来的国际法,国家对无主土地的单纯发现只能产生一种初步的权利.或是一种不完全的权利.要取得对无主地的主权,必须在一个合理的期间内通过对该土地的有效占领来完成,即具有明确的行使权力的形式,此形式足以证明在任何争端发生时它一直保持着所有权。
西班牙的开拓者虽于16世纪发现了帕尔玛斯岛,但西班牙没有对它实行有效占领,也没有行使主权的愿望、它虽曾于1666年明示保留对该地区的主权,但以后该岛被荷兰占领。
早在1677年前就有很多当地人与荷兰东印度公司往来,荷兰通过协定确立了在印度尼西亚地区的宗主权。
自1700年以来帕尔玛斯岛成了荷属东印度群岛的组成部分。
至少荷兰从此时起就开始持续统治着该岛.直到1906年争议发生时。
西班牙对荷兰在该岛的统治从未提出过反对,也未采取过任何行动。
这说明荷兰的统治是正常的。
并且到1906年荷兰已在该岛数次表现了国家权力.尽管没有充分的证据证明权力的表现是连续的,但任何国家权力都不是每时每刻及于它的每一部分土地。
考虑到帕尔玛斯岛是一个仅有土著人居住的边远的孤岛.故荷兰的行为已表现了它的主权,特别是19世纪中叶以后它对该岛的实际主权表现得是很明显的。
2.the Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries case (1951)——英挪渔业案(直线基线问题)
The coastline of Norway is heavily indented and fringed with numerous islands and rocks and mouths along the coast. The legality of Norwegian method was challenged by the United Kingdom in the Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries case (1951). By a Decree of July 12th, 1935, the Norwegian Government had, in the northern part of the country (north of the Arctic Circle) delimited the zone in which the fisheries were reserved to its own nationals. However, instead of measuring the territorial sea from the low-water line, the Norwegians constructed a series of straight baselines linking the outermost parts of land running along the skjaergaard (or fringe of islands and rocks) which parallels the Norwegian coastline.
This had the effect of enclosing within its territorial limits
parts of what would normally have been the high seas if the traditional method had been utilized. The United Kingdom asked the Court to state whether this delimitation was or was not contrary to international law. The International Court of Justice held that the traditional method of drawing baselines that are parallel to the coast was not practical according to the geographical realities in this case and therefore the method by which straight baselines were drawn from the outer rocks could be considered. Accordingly, the Court found that the Norwegian practice was not …contrary to international law‟.
3.The Corfu Channel Case(科孚海峡案)--英国诉阿尔巴尼亚(无害通过,国家责任问题)
The Corfu Channel is a natural link between the Mediterranean Sea and the Adriatic Sea. An incident had already occurred in these waters on May 15th, 1946: an Albanian battery had fired in the direction of two British cruisers. The United Kingdom Government had protested, stating that innocent passage through straits is a right recognized by international law; the Albanian Government had replied that foreign warships had no right to pass through Albanian territorial waters without prior authorization.
The Corfu Channel Case (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland-Albania) arose from incidents that occurred on October 22nd 1946, in the Corfu Strait: two British destroyers struck mines in Albanian waters and suffered damage, including serious loss of life. Then the United Kingdom Government sent a Note announcing its intention to sweep the Corfu Channel shortly. The sweep effected by the British Navy took place on November 12th/13th 1946, in Albanian territorial waters and within the limits of the channel previously swept. Twenty-two moored mines were cut; they were mines of the German GY type. The two Parties concluded a Special Agreement asking the Court to give judgment on the following questions:
Questions
1. Is Albania responsible for the explosions, and is there
a duty to pay compensation?
2. Has the United Kingdom violated international law by the acts of its Navy in Albanian waters, first on the day on which the explosions occurred and, secondly, on November 12th and 13th, 1946, when it undertook a sweep of the Strait?
The first question put by the Special Agreement is that of Albania's responsibility, under international law, for the explosions on October 22nd, 1946.
In these circumstances the question arises what is the legal basis of Albania's responsibility? The United Kingdom also argued that, whoever might be the authors of the mine laying, it could not have been effected without Albania's knowledge. The first relates to the Albanian Government's attitude. The laying of the mines took place in a period in which it had shown its intention to keep a jealous watch on its territorial waters and in which it was requiring prior authorization before they were entered.
Albania's responsibility
The second series of facts relates to the possibility of observing the mine laying from the Albanian coast. Geographically, the channel is easily watched: it is dominated by heights offering excellent observation points, and it runs close to the coast (the nearest mine was 500 m. from the shore). The laying of the mines remain from two to two-and-a-half hours in the waters. In regard to that point, the naval experts appointed by the Court reported, after enquiry and investigation on the spot, that they considered it to be indisputable that, if a normal look-out was kept at Cape Kiephali, Denta Point, and St. George's Monastery, and if the lookouts were equipped with binoculars, under normal weather conditions for this area, the mine-laying operations must have been noticed by these coastguards.
The conduct of Albania without notification of the minefield in the North Corfu Channel, being an international highway, was a violation of the right of innocent passage which exists in favour of foreign vessels (whether warships or merchant ships) through such an international highway ; That the passage of British ships through the North Corfu Channel on October 22nd, 1946, was an exercise of the right of innocent passage, according to the law and practice of civilized nations .
From all the facts and observations mentioned above, the Court draws the conclusion that the laying of the minefield could not have been accomplished without the knowledge of Albania. As regards the obligations resulting for her from this knowledge, they are not disputed. It was her duty to notify shipping and especially to warn the ships proceeding through the Strait on October 22nd of the danger to which they were exposed.
In fact, nothing was attempted by Albania to prevent the disaster, and these grave omissions involve her international responsibility.
The Court then goes on to the second question in the Special Agreement: Did the United Kingdom violate Albanian sovereignty on October 22nd, 1946, or on November 12th/13th, 1946?
The United Kingdom has stated that its object was to secure the mines as quickly as possible for fear lest they should be taken away by the authors of the mine laying or by the Albanian authorities: this was presented either as a new and special application of the theory of intervention, by means of which the intervening State was acting to facilitate the task of the international tribunal, or as a method of self-protection or self-help. Did the United Kingdom violate Albanian sovereignty The Court cannot accept these lines of defence. It can only regard the alleged right of intervention as the manifestation of a policy of force which cannot find a place in international law. As regards the notion of self-help, the Court is also unable to accept it: between independent States the respect for territorial sovereignty is an essential foundation for international relations. Certainly, the Court recognizes the Albanian Government's complete failure to carry out its duties after the explosions and the dilatory nature of its diplomatic Notes as extenuating circumstances for the action of the United Kingdom. But, to ensure respect for international law, of which it is the organ, the Court must declare that the action of the British Navy constituted a violation of Albanian sovereignty.
1946年5月15日,英国海军部派出两艘军舰通过位于阿尔巴尼亚大陆与科孚岛北部之间的科孚海峡时遭到阿尔巴尼亚海岸炮台轰击,但未被击毁。
为此,在互换照会中,英国政府认为:它享有通过这个海峡而不作任何通知或者等候许可的权利。
而阿尔巴尼亚政府却明确表示,外国船舶通过,必须事先通知并请求阿尔巴尼亚许可。
1946年10月22日,英国为试探阿尔巴尼亚的态度,派出一队由两艘巡洋舰和两艘驱逐舰组成的英国舰队又通过该海峡时,造成其中两艘驱逐舰触雷,死40人,伤42人的巨大损失。
事件发生后不久,同年11月13日,英国海军未经阿尔巴尼亚同意,单方面强行到海峡属于阿尔巴尼亚领水去扫雷,发现有22颗水雷。
但英国海军的行动遭到阿到尔巴亚的强烈抗议。
紧接着,英国政府将这一事件提交联合国安全理事会,控告阿尔巴尼亚在盟国海军当局已经进行过扫雷工作之后,又敷设水雷或允许第三国敷设了水雷,要求追究责任。
1947年4月9日安理会通过一项决议,建议有关国家应立即根据《国际法院规约》的规定将争端提交国际法院来解决。
1947年5月22日,英国单方面向国际法院起诉。
法院于1948年到1949年对该案进行过三次判决,最后英国政府胜诉。
英国海军的行动是否侵犯了阿尔巴尼亚的主权问题
科孚海峡是位于希腊科孚岛和阿尔巴尼亚海岸之间,是连接希腊科孚港与阿尔巴纪亚萨兰特港之间的一个海峡。
因此,英国认为该海峡是国际航行海峡,它的军舰可以自由通过,不用请求阿尔巴尼亚批准。
阿尔巴尼亚认为该海峡是地方性的,外国军舰通过必须得到同意。
国际法院在经过辩论后,认为英国海军已使用此海峡有80多年,其他国家海军也经常使用。
因此,在和平时期各国军舰对于连接两部分公海的用于国际航行的海峡具有无害通过的权利,这是获得普遍承认和符合国际惯例的。
除国际条约另有规定外,沿岸国无权在和平时期禁止通过海峡。
据此,法院认为英国军舰在1946年10月22日的通过是无害的。
法院以14票对2票判决英国的这次行动并没有侵犯阿尔巴尼亚主权。
与此同时,法院又一致认为,英国军舰在1946年11月12日和13日的扫雷活动,这是在阿尔巴尼亚的领水内并违反其意愿的情形下进行的,这"就破坏了阿尔巴尼亚人民共和国的主权,并认为法院声明本身已构成对这种破坏主权的行为的适当的定论"。
因此,英国军舰的这种行动是不能以行使自助权或其他理由而被说成是正确的。
(二)本案涉及国际法上的责任问题
国际法院在对本案的审理中,虽然拒绝接受英国认为水雷是阿尔巴尼亚本身敷设的看法,但法院在没有掌握确凿的证据情况下,而仅仅根据所谓"间接证明"方法推定阿尔巴亚科孚海峡的敷雷一事不可能毫无所知,并强调,当阿尔巴亚政府经获悉在科孚海峡的领海内有水雷分布,就负有将危险情形通知航行船只的义务,自然也应告知驰近的英国军舰。
然而阿尔巴尼亚并未履行此义务,致使英国两艘驱逐舰触水雷,造成许多海军人员的伤亡的巨大损失。
最后,法院以11票对5票判定:根据国际法,阿尔巴尼亚应对1946年10月22日在其领水内发生的触雷事件以及由此事件造成的损害及人命损伤负责,从而有赔偿义务,应对造成的损害给予赔偿。
1945年12月15日,国际法院作出第三个判决,该判决是估定赔偿数目的问题。
法院估定了阿尔巴亚应付给英国的赔偿数额。
这个数额是根据专家调查的结果确定为843,947英镑,作为给英国军舰造成的损害和对海员的人身伤亡的补偿。
国际法院在处理这个案件上是不公正的,因此,阿尔巴尼亚始终没有执行国际法院的判决,至今问题未解
4.北海大陆架案——NORTH SEA CONTINENTAL SHELF CASES(大陆架划界原则问题)
Judgment of 20 February 1969
The waters of the North Sea were shallow, the whole seabed, consisting of continental shelf at a depth of less than 200 meters. Most of it had already been delimited between the coastal States concerned. By an agreement of 1 December 1964 between the Federal Republic and the Netherlands and an agreement of 9 June 1965 between the Federal Republic and Denmark, they would delimit the boundary of continental shelf according to the equidistance principle.
But they ceased to do the work midway, mainly because Denmark and the Netherlands had wished this prolongation to be effected on the basis of the equidistance principle, whereas the Federal Republic had considered that it would unduly curtail what the Federal Republic believed should be its proper share of continental shelf area, on the basis of proportionality to the length of its North Sea coastline.
A boundary based on the equidistance principle, i.e., an "equidistance line", left to each of the Parties concerned all those portions of the continental shelf that were nearer to a point on its own coast than they were to any point on the coast of the other Party. In the case of a concave coast such as that of the Federal Republic on the North Sea, the effect of the equidistance method was to pull the line of the boundary inwards, in the direction of the concavity. Consequently, where two equidistance lines were drawn, they would, if the curvature were pronounced, inevitably meet at a relatively short distance from the coast, thus "cutting off" the coastal State from the area of the continental shelf outside.
It had been contended on behalf of Denmark and the Netherlands that the whole matter was governed by a mandatory rule of law which, reflecting the language of Article 6 of the Geneva Convention on the Continental Shelf of 29 April 1958, was designated by them as the "equidistance-special circumstances" rule. That rule was to the effect that in the absence of agreement by the parties to employ another method, all continental shelf boundaries had to be drawn by means of an equidistance line unless "special circumstances" were recognized to exist. According to Denmark and the Netherlands, the configuration of the German North Sea coast did not of itself constitute, for either of the two boundary lines concerned, a special circumstance.
The Federal Republic, for its part, had contended that the correct rule, at any rate in such circumstances as those of the North Sea, was one according to which each of the States concerned should have a "just and equitable share" of the available continental shelf, in proportion to the length of its sea-frontage.
西德与丹麦、荷兰在北海大陆架的划界问题上发生了争执。
上述国家曾于1964年12月1日签订了《德荷条约》和1965年6有9日签订了《德丹条约》。
在这两个条约中确定了彼此间的部分边界线,即从海岸到海面25里至30里外,主要适用等距离原则划出。
但他们无法就这些点以外的边界线达成任何协议。
因为,西德认为,在习惯国际法中没有等距离原则,而且用这种方法划分北海大陆架疆界对西德来说是极不公平的。
由于西德的海岸是凹形的,其海岸线向内弯曲很大,如果按照等距离原则来划分大陆架对它很不利,只能给予它较为狭窄的大陆架区域,面积仅占北海海床的5%,而丹麦和荷是同则分别占10%、11%。
西德声称,等距离原则只有在直线海岸线的情况下才符合这种要求,否则,便属于特殊情况。
而丹麦和荷兰则坚持适用等距离原则。
1966年三国进行了进一步的谈判而未能使问题获得解决。
1967年2月20日,西德分别同丹麦、荷兰签订特别协定,将划分北海大陆架的争端提交国际法院解决。
当事国要求国际法院指明应适用的国际法原则和规则,并承诺将按照国际法指明的原则规则来协商划界。
(一)等距离原则不是大陆架划界一项习惯国际法规则
国际法院在判决中并未接受西德以其特定形式提出的论点,驳回了它要分得"公正和公平的一份"的要求,因为划界不等于把一共同的大陆架瓜分,而只是在相互关系上公平地确定现存的本国大陆架的边界。
法院在判决中也否定了丹麦和荷兰关于该项划界应依1958年的日内瓦《大陆架公约》第6条中的等距离原则加以解释的论点,因为西德未批准这一公约,在法律上并不受第6条规定的约束。
况且,等距离原则并非划分大陆架界线固有的原则。
在两个或两个以上的国家相互接壤的同一个大陆架区域时,不得单独使用一种几何学的方地,若利用等距离法在两个相向的海岸之间划出中间线时,在正常情况下,这种方法能把这块大陆架公平划分,若把这种方法用在两侧边界时,在某种沿岸地形结构(凹面形海岸线即海岸的一些基点突出)下,该方法同很有可能把边界线推向被认为是其他国家领土自然延伸部分的两侧海区。
所以,等距离的划界方法并不是必须遵守的,也没有在一切情况下都必须遵守其它单一的划界方法,所以在划界时应考虑到一切有关情况。
(二)公平原则是划分大陆架疆界的原则
1958年《大陆架公约》第6条所指的原则--即相邻国家按等距离原则来划界,这个原则不是一项习惯国际法规则,这是因为(1)批准的国家尚属有限;(2)公约允许对第6条保留;(3)除公约外以及在签订该公约以后,没有普遍和实际统一的实践说明了这一原则已取得普遍的承认。
因此,没有任何证据证明,一定有义务使用等距离原则来划分相邻国家之间的大陆架疆界。
如果不顾现实情况,硬把等距离原则适用于某些地理环境,那就可能导致不公平。
法院在判决本案中提出了按公平原则划分大陆架的疆界,对大陆架划界的发展产生了重要的作用,得到了广大沿海国家,特别是第三世界国家的重视。
在第三次海洋法会议上通过的《海洋法
公约》中确立了根据公平原则来对大陆架的划界,从而成为一个被普遍接受的基本规则。
在此,该公约所强调的"公平"二字,它不仅指必须采公平的划界方法,更重要的是要达到公平的结果,这种结果不是意味着有关国家不顾一切情况的平分,而是要维护大陆架同陆地领土的自然延伸关系的事实,并使这一事实变成法律事实。
由于国际法院在判决本案中提出的依公平原则划界的原则,也就否定了等距离原则作为强制性习惯国际法规则的主张。
国际法院作出判决后,西德、丹麦和荷兰三国经过谈判,于1971年1月28日,分别签订了西德、丹麦、荷兰三边议定书。
根据三边议定书,西德与丹麦、西德与荷兰签订了双边条约,分别调整了彼此在北海的大陆架疆界,从而使西德同丹麦、荷兰之间的大陆架划界争端获得解决。
5.洛克比空难(利比亚空难)
隆端寺案
——边界地图的效力、禁止翻供、错误对条约效力的影响〖案情〗
隆端寺是位于柬埔寨和泰国交界的扁担山山脉东部的一座古寺。
柬泰两国长期以来对该寺庙及其周围地区的边界存在争议。
1904年2月,法国与暹罗(现在的泰国)签订了一个边界条约,规定边界线沿着扁担山的分水岭划出。
双方建立的混合划界委员会对划界地区进行了实地勘察,最后受暹罗政府的委托,由法国官员负责绘制边界地图,并在1907年完成。
其中一张关于扁担山山脉的地图标明隆端寺在柬埔寨一边。
该地图作为备忘录构成条约的附件Ⅰ,于1908年在巴黎出版,广为分发,曾呈送泰国政府作为划界成果,并送混合委员会的泰方官员和泰国内政部长。
他们没有提出异议。
就是在1934-1935年间泰国发现地图上的线与实际的分水岭线有差异时仍然使用那张地图和继续出版。
甚至在1925年和1937年法暹条约谈判时还肯定那条边界。
法国政府获悉泰国派兵进驻寺庙后,在1949年和1950年间曾向泰国提出抗议,但没有得到答复。
柬埔寨独立后,曾试图在隆端寺建立权力机关,要求泰国撤走其武装力量,遭到拒绝。
经过多次谈判未果后,柬埔寨于1959年10月向国际法院提起诉讼。
〖双方主张及理由〗
柬埔寨指控泰国长期占领其领土隆端寺,要求泰国撤走其武装部队并归还从寺内移走的物品。
理由是1907年两国划界的地图标明该寺在柬埔寨境内。
泰国提出初步反对主张,认为法院对此案没有管辖权。
国际法院在1961年5月驳回泰国的初步反对主张,认为对本案有管辖权。
在诉讼中,柬埔寨认为,根据泰国致送柬埔寨的地图,隆端寺划在柬埔寨一边,该图已为泰国所接受。
当泰国知道该图把隆端寺划在柬埔寨一边以后也没有提出异议,它还继续使用和出版,在1947年在华盛顿举行的法暹和解委员会上,泰国也没有提出这个问题,这说明泰国已接受了这张地图,它应受该图的约束。
泰国则反驳说,这张图不是混合委员会划的,它有严重的错误,而根据真正的分水岭划出的边界线把该寺划在泰国一边。
泰国从来没有接受这张地图和图上标出的边界线。
〖判决及其依据〗
1962年6月,法院对本案的实质部分作出判决。
法院支持了柬埔寨的意见,部分接受了泰国的意见,指出作为备忘录附件Ⅰ的地图不是混合委员会绘制的,但此图已递交暹罗政府作为划界的成果。
暹罗政府有充分的机会表示反对,但不论是过去,还是许多年来,它都没有这样做,因此必须认为那是已经得到默认的。
泰国以地图的错误作为申辩理由是不能接受的,因为这样的申辩不能被允许作为使同意成为无效的因素,如果提出这种申辩的一方以自己的行为促成了这个错误,或者它可以避免这个错误,或者情况足以使该方注意到错误可能发生的话。
泰国在证据中列举了它在隆端寺这个地方的各种行为,宣称它在所有重要时期都占有该地,以说明它在很长一段时期里抱着被动的态度是完全正确的。
但是那些行为大部分是地方当局的行为。
因此,泰国已经接受了附件Ⅰ,而且接受附件Ⅰ就使它成为条约。
在当时,双方已对条约作了这样的解释,使附件Ⅰ上的线具有优于条约规定的效力。
没有理由认为双方曾对分水岭线给予特别的重要性,以至认为它比对边界最后的调整更为重要。
法院因此判定,隆端寺的所在地是柬埔寨的领土,泰国有义务撤走其武装部队,并归还移走的物品。
〖评析〗
通过条约划界是解决国家间边界争端、确定边界线的通常方式。
边界条约一般附有标明界线的地图等法律文件。
在条约文字与附图不一致时,解决的一般原则是应以条约为准,除非条约另有规定。
也就是说,地图作为边界条约的附件,不具有优于条约约文的决定性效力。
本案似乎表明了这种例外,但这种结论缺乏充分证据支持。
本案当事方所争论的中心问题是一方当事国提出来作为证据的那种地图本身的合法性、有效性,而不是地图与条约文字二者之间应以何为准的问题。
法院的判决也只是认定一方当事国提出的地图早已为另一方当事国事实上接受,因而对它有效,而并没有直接裁定地图与条约之间以何为准的问题。
泰国本来有充分的机会对错误的地图表示反对,但它没有这样做,反而以一些行为默示表示了它的接受,因此,泰国要承担禁止翻供的法律后果。
而且,当时情形足以使泰国知道错误,所以泰国不得援引错误作为撤销其对成为条约一部分的地图同意的理由。
本案确实说明了地图在解释边界条约中具有一定作用。
至于其作用究竟如何,应结合案件中的其他情况来判决。
〖问题〗
(1)结合本案,分析边界条约的附图的法律地位。
(2)禁止翻供的法律地位是什么?其法律后果是什么?国际法院在本案中
是如何适用该原则驳回泰国的主张的?
(3)错误对条约的效力有何影响?。