英语名人演讲视频网站
珍藏的名人演讲---各类名人演讲视频网址大全
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十大名人英语演讲稿
十大名人英语演讲稿1、MLK: I Have a DreamMartin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech is one of the most iconic and influential in American history. Delivered on August 28, 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC, during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, the speech was a clarion call for racial equality and justice.2、JFK: Inaugural AddressJohn F. Kennedy's inaugural address, delivered on January 20, 1961, is remembered for its optimistic and eloquent call to service. Speaking to a nation in the throes of the Cold War, Kennedy challenged Americans to work together to "ask what we can do for our country."3、Winston Churchill: We Shall Fight on the BeachesWinston Churchill's speech to the House of Commons on June 4, 1940, was a rousing declaration of war and defiance in the face of Nazi Germany's invasion of France. Speaking with theauthority of a British bulldog, Churchill vowed that "we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender."4、John F. Kennedy: Address at Rice UniversityOn September 12, 1962, John F. Kennedy delivered an address to Rice University in Houston that was a clarion call for American space exploration and scientific discovery. Speaking to a nation still reeling from the Soviet Union's lead in space exploration, Kennedy challenged the country to go to the moon and beyond, saying, "We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things not because they are easy but because they are hard."5、Barack Obama: 2004 Democratic National Convention Keynote AddressBarack Obama's keynote address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention launched his national political career and set the stage for a groundbreaking presidency. Speaking with optimismand urgency, Obama challenged Americans to put aside partisan politics and work together to solve the country's problems.6、MLK: Beyond Vietnam - A Time to Break SilenceOn April 4, 1967, Martin Luther King Jr. delivered a speech at New York's Riverside Church that was a scathing critique of the Vietnam War and America's unjust systems of poverty and violence. Speaking from his pulpit as a prophet of peace, King called for an end to the war and a rejection of violence and war machines in favor of love and peace.7、Ronald Reagan: Address to the Nation on Tax ReformOn February 5, 1981, Ronald Reagan gave an address to the nation outlining his vision for tax reform. Speaking with his trademark optimism and charm, Reagan challenged Congress to pass legislation that would simplify the tax code, reduce rates, and spur economic growth.8、JFK: Address at American UniversityJohn F. Kennedy's address at American University on June 10,1963, was a plea for peace in the nuclear age and a clarion call for cooperation between nations. Speaking at a time when the world was on edge due to Cold War tensions, Kennedy called fora reduction in nuclear weapons and an end to the arms race.9、FDR: Pearl Harbor Address to the NationFranklin D. Roosevelt's address to the nation on December 7, 1941, following the attack on Pearl Harbor, was a call to arms and a declaration of war against Japan. Speaking with resolve and anger, Roosevelt vowed that "our country demands action now...we will always remember...and we will always honor...those who died here.名人小故事演讲稿尊敬的评委、亲爱的听众们：大家好！今天我要跟大家分享的是“名人小故事演讲稿”。
经典名人演讲(含视频)比尔盖茨在上海交大的演讲
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美国优秀教师莱福•艾斯奎斯演讲
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第十一届21世纪全国英语演讲比赛前十名选手的精彩视频
（视频+中英文本）口译资料：布什2009告别演说
（视频演讲）口译资料：Speech by a school girl in UN conference on environment。
英语演讲稿-经典名人英语演讲稿59：肩负起作为一名作家的责任(威廉.福克纳诺贝尔文学奖演讲词)mp3
英语演讲稿经典名人英语演讲稿59：肩负起作为一名作家的责任（威廉.福克纳诺贝尔文学奖演讲词）mp359. Shoulder the Responsibility of Being a Writer59. 肩负起作为一名作家的责任Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or women writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.当今人们普遍存在着一种生理上的恐惧，这种恐惧由来已久，以致我们都已经习惯了。
现在不存在精神上的问题，惟一的问题是——我什么时候会爆炸？正因如此，今天从事写作的男女青年已经忘记了人类内心的冲突，而这种冲突恰恰是创作的源泉，因为这是惟一值得写、值得呕心沥血地去写的题材。
He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed——love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His grieves grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars. He writes the glands.创作者必须重新学会这一切；必须教会自己认识到一切事物的本质是恐惧；教会自己学会忘记一切恐惧；在自己的创作空间里不给其他东西留任何空间，惟一拥有的是心灵的真谛。
【美联英语】名人演讲-肯尼迪在美国大学毕业典礼上的演说 American
两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0John F. KennedyAmerican University Commencement Addressdelivered 10 June 1963约翰·F·肯尼迪总统华盛顿特区1963年6月10日演讲者简介：约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy，1917年5月29日-1963年11月22日)，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy)，美国第35任总统，他的任期从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡为止。
他是在美国颇具影响力的肯尼迪政治家族的一员，被视为美国自由主义的代表。
在第二次世界大战期间，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海军船员，因而获颁紫心勋章。
肯尼迪在1946年-1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统。
在他总统任期内的主要事件包括：试图废除联邦储备委员会、猪湾入侵、古巴导弹危机、柏林墙的建立、太空竞赛、越南战争的早期活动以及美国民权运动。
在针对总统功绩的排名中，肯尼迪通常被历史学家列在排名中上的位置，但他却一直被大多数美国人视为历史上最伟大的总统之一。
肯尼迪于1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡，官方在随后的调查报告中公布的结果表明，李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是刺杀总统的凶手。
他的遇刺被视为对美国历史的发展产生重大决定性影响的事件之一，因为这一事件在其后数十年中一直影响了美国政治的发展方向。
jfkamericanuniversity.jpgPresident Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support. "There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities -- and his words areequally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace. What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange wouldbe carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles -- which can only destroy and never create -- is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control. We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again. I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process -- a way of solving problems.With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims -- and I quote -- "of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war."Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth."Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of itsindustrial base, was turned into a wasteland -- a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again -- no matter how -- our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe fordiversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal.Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy -- or of a collective death-wish for the world.To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility. For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to usethreats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system -- a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. TheUnited States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in theself-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general andcomplete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort -- to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered -- Ourhopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind. Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not -- We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives -- as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home. But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -- local, State, and National -- to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.All this -- All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way[s] please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough -- more than enough -- of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confidentand unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.下一页：中文翻译翻译仅供参考安德森校长、员工们、董事会、我的老同事鲍勃·伯德参议员(伯德参议员上了多年法律夜校才取得学位，而我将在随后的三十分钟取得学位)、贵宾们、女士们、先生们：美国大学是卫理公会赞助、约翰·弗莱彻·赫斯特主教创办、伍德罗·威尔逊总统于1914年揭幕的学校，我为出席这次典礼而感到非常自豪。
英语名人演讲之一
《英语名人演讲》西边序号：101姓名：罗俊演讲篇目：乔布斯斯坦福大学演讲（节选）原演讲人：Steve Jobs演讲原文：I'm pretty sure none of this would have happened if I hadn't been fired from Apple. It was awful tasting medicine, but I guess the patient needed it. Sometimes life’s going to hit you in the head with a brick. Don't lose faith.I'm convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You've got to find what you love. And that is as true for your work as it is for your lovers. Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven't found it yet, keep looking. Don't settle.As with all matters of the heart, you'll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the yearsroll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don't settle.译文：我可以非常肯定,如果我不被Apple开除的话, 这其中一件事情也不会发生的。
学习英语的网站推荐
1、练习听力2、国家公共广播电台NPR：/特点：标准美式英语。
建议：每天花三十分钟左右，反复听英语广播，这是听力过关的必经之路。
点击网页中左边“BROWSE TOPICS”下面的“News”选项。
选择自己有兴趣的新闻链接，点开“Listen Now”左边的红色小喇叭图标，然后反复听该新闻的广播。
3、英国广播公司BBC：/特点：标准英式英语。
建议：点击网页中左边选项中的“Video and Audio”，再选择视频短片。
2、练习发音韦伯字典：/特点：世界全威词典，发音绝对标准，对于纠正发音很有帮助。
建议：在网页中间的输入框中输入你要听发音的单词，然后点击“Search”，在搜索结果页面上再点击单词旁边的红色小喇叭图标就可以听到发音了。
3、记忆单词我要模考网词汇练习：/Users/Use ...&type=languages特点：在线词汇练习，不枯燥，效率高，在答案页面上还可以听单词发音。
建议：在“各类语言”页面中搜索标签“记忆练习”，然后选一组词汇，反复练习，直到做到全对为止。
对于发音没把握的单词，在对答案时要记得查听一下该单词的发音。
每天花十分钟左右，放松心情，把练习当作游戏来做可能效率会更高。
4、练习阅读路透社：/特点：内容丰富、全面。
文章都为标准英语，多阅读对于写作也很有帮助。
建议：每天花二十分钟左右，选一篇自己有兴趣的文章阅读，以泛读为主。
对于生词的发音，可以用韦伯字典网站查发音。
对于不懂的词汇和句子，可以用Google英译中来翻译。
5、翻译Google中译英：/tran ...&tl=zh-CN#zh-CN|en|Google英译中：/tran ...=en&tl=zh-CN#en|zh-CN|特点：方便，实用。
单词、句子都可以翻译。
建议：主要用来翻译单词、词组、和短句。
长句的翻译有时候可能不太准确，需要加以分析和判别。
以下的习网站上都有许多免费的mp3和视频，你可以自己选择一下：1 英语听力资源汇总/subject/data/enlisten.htm2./doc/enlisten/511_1016.htm（英语听力mp3下载）3./tl/（英语听力特区）4./（普特英语听力）5./（爱鸽英语）6./sort.php?sortid=8(真题网)7./（我爱英语网)8./（清剑精品资料)9.大学英语四级考试听力MP3 100篇/doc/enlisten/511_1017.htm再另附两个名人演讲网址：1./yy/html/20050327_007.asp2./top100speechesall.html（美国历史上著名的100个演讲MP3及原文）在这里，你不仅能够看到原文，还可以亲耳听听马丁路德金的I have a dream的演讲，那可是真是震撼人心！。
中国名人励志英语演讲稿
Good morning! It is my great honor to stand here today and share withyou some inspiring stories of Chinese celebrities. As we all know, China has a long history of cultivating talents and nurturing heroes. Throughout history, many Chinese celebrities have made outstanding contributions to our nation and the world. Their stories of perseverance, dedication, and determination have become a beacon of hope for millions of people. Today, I would like to introduce you to some of these remarkable individuals and share their experiences with you.Firstly, let's talk about Confucius, a great philosopher and educator from the Spring and Autumn period of ancient China. Confucius believed that education was the key to personal development and social harmony. He traveled throughout the country, teaching his students and spreading his ideas. Despite facing numerous challenges and setbacks, he never gave up on his mission. His philosophy of benevolence, righteousness,and loyalty has influenced countless generations of Chinese people and has become an integral part of our cultural heritage.Another iconic figure is Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of China. Dr. Sun Yat-sen was a visionary leader who dedicated his life to the cause of national salvation. He overcame numerous obstacles and setbacks in his quest for a democratic and modern China. His perseverance and unwavering commitment to the nation's cause haveinspired countless Chinese people to strive for a better future. Today, Dr. Sun Yat-sen remains a symbol of courage, determination, andpatriotism in China.Moving on to the 20th century, we have the great Chinese writer Lu Xun. Lu Xun's works exposed the dark side of Chinese society and advocatedfor social reform and progress. He faced immense pressure and criticism from the conservative establishment, but he never wavered in his pursuit of truth and justice. His literary achievements have had a profound impact on Chinese literature and thought, and he is revered as anational hero by many.In the realm of science and technology, we have the renowned physicist Dr. Yang Zhenning. Dr. Yang Zhenning has made significant contributions to the field of particle physics and has been recognized with the NobelPrize in Physics. Despite the challenges he faced as a Chinese scientist during the Cold War era, he remained committed to his research and made groundbreaking discoveries. His story is a testament to the power of perseverance and the importance of pursuing one's passion.In the world of sports, we have the legendary Chinese basketball player Yao Ming. Yao Ming was not only a towering figure on the basketball court but also a role model for millions of young people in China. He overcame numerous physical and psychological challenges to become one of the greatest basketball players in the world. His dedication, hard work, and sportsmanship have inspired a generation of Chinese athletes to strive for excellence.Finally, let's talk about the Chinese actor Zhang Ziyi. Zhang Ziyi is an international star who has captivated audiences around the world with her acting prowess. She overcame a difficult childhood and numerous setbacks to achieve success in the entertainment industry. Her story is a reminder that with determination and perseverance, one can overcome any obstacle and achieve one's dreams.Ladies and gentlemen, these are just a few examples of the countless Chinese celebrities who have made a significant impact on our nation and the world. Their stories of perseverance, dedication, and determination serve as a source of inspiration for us all. As we move forward, let us draw inspiration from these great individuals and strive to become the best versions of ourselves.In conclusion, the stories of Chinese celebrities are a testament to the power of human spirit and the importance of perseverance. Their dedication, hard work, and determination have brought honor and glory to our nation. As we continue to strive for excellence in all aspects of life, let us remember the lessons we have learned from these remarkable individuals and use them to shape our own lives.Thank you for your attention, and may we all be inspired to achieve greatness in our own lives.。
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竭诚为您提供优质文档/双击可除英语名人演讲视频网站篇一：edu_ecologychuanke1477661252江西省南昌市20XX-20XX学年度第一学期期末试卷（江西师大附中使用）高三理科数学分析试卷紧扣教材和考试说明，从考生熟悉的基础知识入手，多角度、多层次地考查了学生的数学理性思维能力及对数学本质的理解能力，立足基础，先易后难，难易适中，强调应用，不偏不怪，达到了“考基础、考能力、考素质”的目标。
试卷所涉及的知识内容都在考试大纲的范围内，几乎覆盖了高中所学知识的全部重要内容，体现了“重点知识重点考查”的原则。
1．回归教材，注重基础试卷遵循了考查基础知识为主体的原则，尤其是考试说明中的大部分知识点均有涉及，其中应用题与抗战胜利70周年为背景，把爱国主义教育渗透到试题当中，使学生感受到了数学的育才价值，所有这些题目的设计都回归教材和中学教学实际，操作性强。
2．适当设置题目难度与区分度选择题第12题和填空题第16题以及解答题的第21题，都是综合性问题，难度较大，学生不仅要有较强的分析问题和解决问题的能力，以及扎实深厚的数学基本功，而且还要掌握必须的数学思想与方法，否则在有限的时间内，很难完成。
3．布局合理，考查全面，着重数学方法和数学思想的考察在选择题，填空题，解答题和三选一问题中，试卷均对高中数学中的重点内容进行了反复考查。
包括函数，三角函数，数列、立体几何、概率统计、解析几何、导数等几大版块问题。
这些问题都是以知识为载体，立意于能力，让数学思想方法和数学思维方式贯穿于整个试题的解答过程之中。
二、亮点试题分析1．【试卷原题】11.已知A,b,c是单位圆上互不相同的三点，且满足Ab?Ac，则AbAc?的最小值为（）????141b．?23c．?4D．?1A．?【考查方向】本题主要考查了平面向量的线性运算及向量的数量积等知识，是向量与三角的典型综合题。
解法较多，属于较难题，得分率较低。
【易错点】1．不能正确用oA，ob，oc表示其它向量。
2．找不出ob与oA的夹角和ob与oc的夹角的倍数关系。
【解题思路】1．把向量用oA，ob，oc表示出来。
2．把求最值问题转化为三角函数的最值求解。
??2??2【解析】设单位圆的圆心为o，由Ab?Ac得，(ob?oA)?(oc?oA)，因为，所以有，ob?oA?oc?oA则oA?ob?oc?1Ab?Ac?(ob?oA)?(oc?oA)2??ob?oc?ob?oA?oA?oc?oAob?oc?2ob?oA?1设ob与oA的夹角为?，则ob与oc的夹角为2???11所以，Ab?Ac?cos2??2cos??1?2(cos??)2?22??1即，Ab?Ac的最小值为?，故选b。
2??【举一反三】【相似较难试题】【20XX高考天津，理14】在等腰梯形AbcD中,已知Ab//Dc,Ab?2,bc?1,?Abc?60?,动点e和F分别在线段bc 和Dc上,且,1be??bc,DF?Dc,则Ae?AF的最小值为.9?【试题分析】本题主要考查向量的几何运算、向量的数量积与基本不等式.运用向量的几何运算求Ae,AF，体现了数形结合的基本思想，再运用向量数量积的定义计算Ae?AF，体现了数学定义的运用，再利用基本不等式求最小值，体现了数学知识的综合应用能力.是思维能力与计算能力的综合体现.【答案】11【解析】因为DF?Dc,Dc?Ab，9?21????????1?9?????1?9?????cF?DF?Dc?D c?Dc?Dc?Ab，9?9?18?2918Ae?Ab?be?Ab??bc，1?9?????1?9?????????AF?Ab?bc?cF?Ab?bc AbAbbc，18?18?1?9??????????1?9?????2????2??? 1?9??Ae?AF?Ab??bc??Ab?bc??Ab??bc??1?Ab?bc 18?18?18??211717291?9?19?9?4????2?1?cos120??9?218181818?18212???29当且仅当.??即??时Ae?AF的最小值为9?23182．【试卷原题】20.（本小题满分12分）已知抛物线c 的焦点F?1,0?，其准线与x轴的?交点为K，过点K的直线l与c交于A,b两点，点A关于x轴的对称点为D．（Ⅰ）证明：点F在直线bD上；（Ⅱ）设FA?Fb???8，求?bDK内切圆m的方程.9【考查方向】本题主要考查抛物线的标准方程和性质，直线与抛物线的位置关系，圆的标准方程，韦达定理，点到直线距离公式等知识，考查了解析几何设而不求和化归与转化的数学思想方法，是直线与圆锥曲线的综合问题，属于较难题。
【易错点】1．设直线l的方程为y?m(x?1)，致使解法不严密。
2．不能正确运用韦达定理，设而不求，使得运算繁琐，最后得不到正确答案。
【解题思路】1．设出点的坐标，列出方程。
2．利用韦达定理，设而不求，简化运算过程。
3．根据圆的性质，巧用点到直线的距离公式求解。
【解析】（Ⅰ）由题可知K??1,0?，抛物线的方程为y2?4x 则可设直线l的方程为x?my?1，A?x1,y1?,b?x2,y2?,D?x1,?y1?，故??x?my?1?y1?y2?4m2整理得，故y?4my?4?0?2?y?4x?y1y2?42?y2?y1y24?则直线bD的方程为y?y2?x??x?x2?即y?y2x2?x1y2?y1?4?yy令y?0，得x?12?1，所以F?1,0?在直线bD上.4?y1?y2?4m2（Ⅱ）由（Ⅰ）可知?，所以x1?x2??my1?1my2?1??4m?2，?y1y2?4x1x2??my1?1??my1?1??1又FA??x1?1,y1?，Fb??x2?1,y2?故FA?Fb??x1?1??x2?1??y1y2?x1x2??x1?x2??5?8?4m，22则8?4m?????84,?m??，故直线l的方程为3x?4y?3?0或3x?4y?3?093 故直线bD的方程3x?3?0或3x?3?0，又KF为?bKD的平分线，3t?13t?1,故可设圆心m?t,01?t?1?，m?t,0?到直线l及bD的距离分别为54y2?y1??-------------10分由3t?15?3t?143t?121?得t?或t?9（舍去）.故圆m的半径为r?95321?4?所以圆m的方程为?xy2?9?9?【举一反三】【相似较难试题】【20XX高考全国，22】已知抛物线c：y2＝2px(p>0)的焦点为F，直线5y＝4与y轴的交点为p，与c的交点为Q，且|QF|＝4（1）求c的方程；（2）过F的直线l与c相交于A，b两点，若Ab的垂直平分线l′与c相交于m，n两点，且A，m，b，n四点在同一圆上，求l的方程．【试题分析】本题主要考查求抛物线的标准方程,直线和圆锥曲线的位置关系的应用,韦达定理,弦长公式的应用,解法及所涉及的知识和上题基本相同.【答案】（1）y2＝4x.（2）x－y－1＝0或x＋y－1＝0.【解析】（1）设Q(x0，4)，代入y2＝2px，得x0＝，p88pp8所以|pQ|，|QF|＝x0＝＋.p22pp858由题设得＋＝p＝－2(舍去)或p＝2，2p4p所以c的方程为y2＝4x.（2）依题意知l与坐标轴不垂直，故可设l的方程为x ＝my＋1(m≠0)．代入y2＝4x，得y2－4my－4＝0.设A(x1，y1)，b(x2，y2)，则y1＋y2＝4m，y1y2＝－4.故线段的Ab的中点为D(2m2＋1，2m)，|Ab|m2＋1|y1－y2|＝4(m2＋1)．1又直线l′的斜率为－m，所以l′的方程为x＋2m2＋3.m将上式代入y2＝4x，4并整理得y2＋－4(2m2＋3)＝0.m设m(x3，y3)，n(x4，y4)，则y3＋y4y3y4＝－4(2m2＋3)．m4?22?2故线段mn的中点为e?22m＋3，－，m??m|mn|＝4（m2＋12m2＋11＋2|y3－y4|＝.mm21由于线段mn垂直平分线段Ab，1故A，m，b，n四点在同一圆上等价于|Ae|＝|be|＝，21122从而＋|De|＝2，即444(m2＋1)2＋??22?2?2?2m＋?＋?22?＝mm?4（m2＋1）2（2m2＋1）m4化简得m2－1＝0，解得m＝1或m＝－1，故所求直线l 的方程为x－y－1＝0或x＋y－1＝0.三、考卷比较本试卷新课标全国卷Ⅰ相比较，基本相似，具体表现在以下方面：1.对学生的考查要求上完全一致。
即在考查基础知识的同时，注重考查能力的原则，确立以能力立意命题的指导思想，将知识、能力和素质融为一体，全面检测考生的数学素养，既考查了考生对中学数学的基础知识、基本技能的掌握程度，又考查了对数学思想方法和数学本质的理解水平，符合考试大纲所提倡的“高考应有较高的信度、效度、必要的区分度和适当的难度”的原则．2.试题结构形式大体相同，即选择题12个，每题5分，填空题4个，每题5分，解答题8个（必做题5个），其中第22，23，24题是三选一题。
题型分值完全一样。
选择题、填空题考查了复数、三角函数、简易逻辑、概率、解析几何、向量、框图、二项式定理、线性规划等知识点，大部分属于常规题型，是学生在平时训练中常见的类型．解答题中仍涵盖了数列，三角函数，立体何，解析几何，导数等重点内容。
3.在考查范围上略有不同，如本试卷第3题，是一个积分题，尽管简单，但全国卷已经不考查了。
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