城市规划与发展中英文对照外文翻译文献
(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)中英文翻译Urban planning and development in TehranWith a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development.德黑兰的城市规划与发展_ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian citiesPlanning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The f irst phase of Tehran‘s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city‘s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government‘s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960).The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925).On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, according to a British observer, a ‗‗twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor本科毕业设计（外文翻译）vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ‗‗radically re-planned and re-built‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941.These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time.The reforms in the second half of the 19th century opened up the city‘s society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizations—and their associated tensions—have characterized Iran‘s urban conditions.Planning through land-use regulation: harnessing speculative developmentThe second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plans to regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent that its spatial management needed additional tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipal organization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city.After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the start of the cold war, and strugglesover the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah to power, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of rural–urban migration, Tehran— and other large cities—grew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehran‘s population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km²in 1934 to 250 km²in 1976 (Kari man, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987).Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus resources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big德黑兰的城市规划与发展cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural population from agriculture, which was not able to absorb the exponential demographic growth. This new labour force was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehran‘s role as the administrative, economic, and cultural centre of the country, and its gateway to the outside world,wa s firmly consolidated.Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, ‗‗the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted‘‘, creating a city that was ‗‗in fact a number of towns connected to each other in an inappropriate way‘‘ (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process.The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framework for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others to work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the city‘s problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city‘s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist spirit, to impose a new order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged tobe growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Far manfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen本科毕业设计（外文翻译）(1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard‘s (1960, p. 142) ‗‗social cities‘‘, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran‘s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town‘s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan‘s ideas that were impl emented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical character of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the city—Shahestan—by the British consultants Llewelyn–Davies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising.Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and war The revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revolution (1979–1988), reconstruction (1989–1996), and reform (1997–2004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran.After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be replaced by a state which uneasily combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shah‘s m odel of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the modernizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutions—and the regimes that followed them—to a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be seen as explosive episodes in the country‘s troubled efforts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003).The revolution was followed by a long war (1980–1988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were favoured by the revolutionary government, both to curb rural–urban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-cost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate also started to decline (Khatam, 1993).After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted德黑兰的城市规划与发展for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective framework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying enough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995).The comprehensive plan‘s 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 1986–1996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 22 districts within five sub-regions, each with its own service centre (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).The 1993 plan was not welcomed by the municipality, which disagreed with its assessments and priorities, finding it unrealistic, expensive, and impossible to implement. The municipality produced its own strategic plan for the period 1996–2001, known as Tehran Municipalty‘s First Plan,or Tehran 80. Rather than introducing a land-use plan as its goal, this was the first plan for the city that emphasized a set of strategies and propose d policies to achieve them. It identified the city‘s main problems as shortage of resources to deliver its services; the pace and pattern of urban growth; environmental pollution; the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality‘s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major characteristics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of comprehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 1996).The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway network, which was proposed by the 1968 plan; opening large parts of the city to new development, and easing movement across the city. Following the advice of the 1993 plan, the municipality relaxed FAR limits and allowed higher densities through bonus zoning. This, however, was not based on planning considerations, but was mainly to bring financial autonomy to the municipality. This proved to be popular with the development industry, but controversial with citizens. Developers could build taller buildings by paying fines to the municipality, in a policy popularly known as ‗‗selling density‘‘, without having to show their impacts on the surrounding environment. The face of the city, particularly in its northern parts, was transformed in a short period, consisting of medium to high-rise buildings connected through wide streets and motorways. In the poorer south, a major redevelopment project, Navab, cut a motorway through the dense and decayed fabric, building gigantic superstructures on each side. The city‘s administrative boundaries were expanded twice, once outward and then westward, to encompass 22 district municipalities in 700 km².This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which re-launched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2001, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members,本科毕业设计（外文翻译）non-governmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city‘s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city‘s 22 district s, and work is under way on a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2000), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and large-scale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2005, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake.Managing change in a metropolisLeaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growt h. Iran‘s oil economy is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development; each new approach adding to the complexity of the process, rather than replacing the previous approach.The other feature they all share is their preference for redevelopment, which is the hallmark of a country with a young population caught in the fever of modernization, despite its upheavals and setbacks. Post-revolutionary governments claimed to revive many traditional forms and practices, as a reaction to radical modernization of the past. In relation to the built environment, however, they have shown strong modernist tendencies, with redevelopment remaining their favourite device, similar to previous generations. This is mainly due to the pressure for change that characterizes the modern history of Iran, as reflected in the advent of two revolutions, i.e., radical breaks from the past. It is also partly due to institutional continuity, whereby legal and institutional arrangements for urban planning remained almost intact, despite change of individuals, and despite structural changes at the higher levels of government after 1979. Also, the expert communities and their technocratic culture passed through the revolution without major internal changes, despite the flight of many professionals from the country.Tehran‘ governance has been dominated by the central government. Although the municipality has grown in size and complexity, it is still under the shadow of government ministries,德黑兰的城市规划与发展even after the launch of an elected city council and a degree of financial autonomy. It is only charged with implementing the plans, rather than preparing them; and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city‘s boundaries. Without empowering the munici pality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective.ConclusionTehran‘s planning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city‘s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran‘s comprehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices.德黑兰的城市规划与发展摘要：德黑兰是世界上较大的城市之一，拥有居民人口1200万，都市人口约700万，本文主要介绍其规划和历代的发展，特别是自20世纪中期，在这个时期城市获得了其最显着的增长。
都市规划的可持续发展外文文献翻译、中英文翻译、外文翻译
Journal of Planning Education and Research，2000（20）: 133Planning for Metropolitan SustainabilityStephen M. WheelerThe University of CaliforniaAbstract: This article establishes a framework for thinking about sustainable development in the metropolitan context by investigating the origins of the sustainability concept and its meanings when applied to urban development, surveying historical approaches to planning the urban region, and analyzing ways in which a context can be created for regional sustainability planning. Sustainability is seen as requiring a holistic, long-term planning approach, as well as certain general policy directions such as compact urban form, reductions in automobile use, protection of ecosystems, and improved equity. Based on the experience of three sample regions, the article suggests a long-term strategic approach in which vision statements ,oalition building, institutional development, intergovernmental incentive frameworks, indicators, public involvement, and social learning help create a regional context in which sustainable development is increasingly possible.Key words:Sustainable development;Metropolitan Planning;Ecological protection Introduction: Many aspects of sustainable development are best addressed at the metropolitan regional scale. Subjects benefiting particularly from regional coordination include land use, transportation, air quality, water quality, ecosystem protection, affordable housing provision, and social equity. The problem is that this is often the most difficult level at which to find the political will and institutional capacity to bring about change. These difficulties have been particularly great in North America, where regional planning structures have been weak and incentives to think in terms of the long-term sustainability of metropolitan regions are often lacking. Nevertheless, a number of metropolitan sustainability-related initiatives are under way, and more are likely to appear in the future. The question is how planners, politicians, and activists can best develop these or help them succeed.The main body:This article will investigate the origins of the sustainability concept and its meanings when applied to urban development, briefly survey historical approaches to planning the urban region, and analyze some of conditions through which improved metropolitan sustainability planning might come about. The greatest emphasis here is on how a contextcan be created in which metropolitan sustainability planning can occur, rather than on specific techniques or policy directions. That is because (1) many general directions for sustainability planning are already well known, though specific tactics can be argued; (2) existing metropolitan sustainability initiatives in North America are quite preliminary and provide few grounds for evaluation; and (3) the most pressing question for many observers is how more substantial efforts might come about. The following discussion is based on review of the literature related to both regional planning and sustainable development and uses as examples three North American metropolitan areas—Portland, Toronto, and the San Francisco Bay Area—known for a variety of progressive regional planning initiatives that in one way or another can be seen as promoting sustainability.1Sustainability in the Metropolitan ContextAlthough it has roots in the late nineteenth-century “sustained yield” forestry practices originating in Germany, the word sustainable appears to have been first used in reference to human development patterns in 1972 in the best-selling study of global resource use. After modeling the catastrophic collapse of global systems midway through the twenty-first century under then-current population and resource use trends, the authors stated their belief that “it is possible to alter these growth trends and to establish a condition of ecological and economic stability that is sustainable far into the future”. A number of other events in the early 1970s also propelled reconsideration of long-term development trends, most notably the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm in 1972 and the 1973 energy crisis. The constituency that took the lead in developing early works on sustainability consisted of internationally oriented environmentalists. Ethicists were also involved in developing the sustainability concept during the mid-1970s, motivated by social justice concerns. A 1974 conference of the World Council of Churches issued a call for a “sustainable society,” and the earliest book specifically focused on creation of a sustainable society was published two years later by a theologian who attended that conference. Meanwhile,environmentally oriented economists formed a third important constituency. Writers such as Herman Daly and Kenneth Boulding critiqued modernist notions of “growth” and “progress” and proposed the radical idea that long-term human and ecological well-being might be better served by a steady-state economy. The need to reconcile economic, environmental, and social justice needs was to become an enduring theme of sustainable development discussions.In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the sustainable development concept entered themainstream internationally with the publication of the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development. The tide of international literature on the subject grew rapidly at this time. Unfortunately, no perfect definition of sustainable development emerged. Although the Brundtland Report produced the most widely used formulation—development that “meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”—this version has many problems. For one thing, it is anthropocentric; for another, it introduces the highly subjective concept of needs. Other definitions are equally problematic. Arising out of landscape ecology, the notion of “carrying capacity” has often been emphasized. But although this approach has important educational value, the human carrying capacity of both regional landscapes and the planet as a whole is very difficult to determine, given the mobility of human cultures and their ability to substitute for scarce resources. A third main definitional approach relies on economic concepts of “natural capital.” According to British economist David Pearce, sustainable development “is based on the requirement that the natural capital stock should not decrease over time.” However, attempts to measure natural capital (let alone social capital) quickly descend into a methodological quagmire and require a high degree of faith in the ability of economics to value noneconomic entities.The definitional strategy suggested here is to define sustainable development simply as “development that improves the long-term health of human and ecological systems.” This approach emphasizes the long-term perspective of sustainability planning but avoids fruitless debates over carrying capacity, needs, natural capital, or sustainable end states. In theory, an evolving consensus on healthy directions can be agreed on through participatory and communicative planning processes, and progress can be measured by means of various performance indicators.Until the early 1990s, few sustainability advocates focused on cities or patterns of urban development. However, during the 1990s, “sustainable city” programs began to appear in many parts of the world—some resulting from grassroots activism, some based on municipal initiative, some supported by national governments, and some facilitated by multilateral entities such as the European Community, the World Bank, and UN agencies. The Earth Summit’s Agenda 21 document became the basis for Local Agenda 21 planning in Europe.Sustainable development is widely seen as having a number of implications for the design and planning of urban regions. At the metropolitan level, some policy directions appear particularly important, given development trends of recent decades. In particular, steps to halt suburban sprawl are crucial, as is the need to end the growth in per capitaautomobile use. Affordable housing is a quiet crisis in many regions. Underlying all these problem areas, of course, are the questions of whether economic incentives can be changed to promote sustainability within the region and whether urban populations can be stabilized in the long run.A number of sustainability proposals have been developed for particular cities and regions by both local governments and nongovernmental organizations (e.g., Sustainable Cambridge Coalition 1992; Sustainable Seattle Coalition 1995; City of San Francisco 1997). As of yet, most of these plans have seen few systematic attempts at implementation. San Francisco’s plan, for example, was approved to substantial public attention in 1997 and resulted in the creation of a new Department of the Environment, but then languished as this department received little funding and environmental matters were low on the new mayor’s list of priorities.2 Historical Approaches to Metropolitan PlanningA brief review of the historical evolution of metropolitan planning can help set the context for a consideration of how sustainability-related regional planning might come about. Modern metropolitan planning is often seen as beginning in the nineteenth century, when the rapid growth, overcrowding, and service demands of industrial cities led to the need for regionwide governmental structures. One response in Britain was to create institutions such as London’s Metropolitan Board of Works, organized in 1855 to coordinate police, fire, sewer, and public health services across the Greater London area. This agency later evolved into the London County Council, which played a very active role in providing housing within the metropolitan area during the early twentieth century. Rather than creating such agencies, nineteenth- century U.S. cities (for the most part) simply annexed the land around them and extended municipal authority over the larger region. However, single-purpose regional districts were eventually set up to handle sewer, water, and park needs, such as Boston’s Metropolitan Sewerage Commission, organized in 1889.The late nineteenth-century industrial city also spawned visionary regional planning philosophies that can be seen as foreshadowing current approaches to sustainability planning. In the early twentieth century, the Regional Planning Association of America (RPAA) continued the normative, metropolitan- scale approach of Geddes and Howard in the U.S. context, adopting a holistic approach to the metropolitan region that mirrors much current sustainability thinking. Lewis Mumford, for example, wrote in 1919 that thehousing problem, the industries problem, the transportation problem, and the land problem cannot be solved one at a time by isolated experts, thinking and acting in a civic vacuum.Metropolitan planning initiatives flowered in Britain and continental Europe in the years following World War II. The need for postwar reconstruction combined with social democratic politics in many areas to lead to dramatic government action in reshaping the metropolis. Perhaps most ambitious was the British government’s 1944 Greater London Plan, with its greenbelt and new to wns, based on Patrick Abercrombie’s designs. “Finger plans” channeling development along transit lines were later adopted in Copenhagen and Stockholm and represented a different but related approach to metropolitan spatial planning. Such plans represent attempts by central governments to actively shape the spatial form of the metropolitan region, to save open space and limit growth, and to coordinate land development with public transportation.The 1980s saw a decline of metropolitan planning internationally,usually in response to more conservative national politics opposed to planning in favor of market mechanisms and local government control. Regional governments were abolished in London, Barcelona, and Copenhagen and weakened in many other regions. The 1990s witnessed a revival of interest in metropolitan regional planning in North America and the appearance of a substantial amount of academic literature on the subject, although with relatively little actual change in regional institutions or policies, except in Portland. The rising interest in growth management has fueled some recent attempts at regionalism, as has rising inequality between suburbs and central cities. The 1991 federal Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act also helped catalyze efforts for more progressive regional transportation planning. Many useful tools for coordinating metropolitan land use and transportation planning have been developed in recent years, including Urban Growth Boundaries, transfer-of-development rights schemes, and more sophisticated understandings of how to design infill development. But gaining the political will to implement such measures remains difficult.A number of dilemmas now confront any metropolitan effort designed to promote sustainability. In particular, the increasing jurisdictional fragmentation of urban areas undermines the ability to think regionally. Regional initiatives are often caught in a squeeze between local governments jealously guarding their turf and higher level governments that are often unable or unwilling to support fledgling attempts at metropolitan coordination.3 ConclusionsSince so many current problems require solutions at the metropolitan scale, the intent of this article has been to lay out a framework for applying the concept of sustainable development to the urban region. Following from the nature of the sustainability concept, such planning should incorporate a long-term perspective, a holistic and interdisciplinary approach, and a balance of environmental, economic, and social objectives. Since there is a reasonable degree of consensus on general directions of metropolitan sustainability planning— compact and efficient urban form, reductions in automobile use, protection of natural ecosystems, improved regional equity, and so forth—the most pressing question becomes how to make progress toward these goals in the face of structural forces supporting unsustainable development.The experience of the sample regions sheds light on mechanisms through which metropolitan sustainability planning may emerge. Long-range vision statements or sustainabilityoriented regional plans have been developed in all three locations, at minimum promoting public debate. All three likewise have benefited from a history of citizen activism, although the size and fragmentation of the Bay Area and Toronto work against development of effective nongovernmental coalitions at the regional level. Sustainability-related planning in Portland benefits from the presence of a regional institution with significant power and from a highly developed intergovernmental incentive framework. These factors give this region enormous advantages. None of the three metropolitan areas has effectively linked a sustainability indicator framework to regional policy making, although specific performance standards (such as for air and water quality) have proven useful. Public involvement shows itself to be a double-edged sword, historically helping to create an effective Oregon planning style but also frequently blocking change of any sort in all three regions. Although communicative planning and consensus building have been an integral part of Portland’s success, it appears to be relatively difficult to bring these processes about, and such efforts are easily defeated by entrenched power interests or fragmented institutional structures. The Bay Area’s long history of failed attempts at coordinated metropolitan planning supports this point, as does the recent failure of the Atlanta Vision process. Meanwhile, Toronto’s example shows the limitations of top-down planning (from the provincial level) without local buy-in. A long history of public education and social learning around metropolitan issues appears to have borne some fruit in Portland when continued over three decades. These educational processes are less developed in the other two areas.The main hope for improved metropolitan sustainability planning, then, appears to lie in a strategic, long-term approach combining the following: continued development of visions, plans, indicators, and linked policy frameworks; development of more effective regional political coalitions supporting sustainability planning, facilitated in turn by planners and politicians; creation of stronger regional institutions and, if possible, limits to the size and jurisdictional fragmentation of metropolitan regions; intergovernmental incentive frameworks aimed at promoting sustainability, with strong state or provincial support for regional and local action; and participatory planning, consensus building, and long-term processes of public education and social learning.If, as Putnam (1998, vii) maintains, social capital is declining in general within American society, then a concerted effort will be needed to promote it within the metropolitan region to support sustainability planning. Possible strategies for planners include incorporating voluntary and nonprofit organizations and private firms as participants in metropolitan problem-solving processes, providing support for community development corporations, and nurturing democratic structures at neighborhood levels (Warren, Rosentraub, and Weschler 1992, 399). The structure of power within the region will need to be addressed as well, to reduce the ability of entrenched interests to prevent action on sustainability-related issues. Political leadership, of course, is essential on many fronts. Such a long-term, many-pronged effort appears necessary to help metropolitan regions evolve to the point where sustainability planning can in fact succeed.References :[1] Barlow, I. M. 1991. Metropolitan government. New York: Routledge.[2] Keating, W. Dennis, and Norman Krumholz. 1991. Downtown plans of the 1980s. Journal of the American Planning Association 57(2): 136-52.[3] Mitlin, Diana. 1992. Sustainable development: A guide to the literature. Environment and Urbanization 4 (1): 111-24.[4] Pearce, David. 1990. Sustainable development: Economics and environment in the Third World. London: Edward Elgar.[5] Putnam, Robert D. 1993. Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.[6] Rusk, David. 1993. Cities without suburbs. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.[7] Susman, Carl, ed. 1976. Planning the fourth migration: The neglected vision of the Regional Planning Association of America. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.[8] Urban Ecology. 1996. Blueprint for a sustainable Bay Area. Oakland, CA: Author.- 7 -Journal of Planning Education and Research，2000（20）: 133都市规划的可持续发展斯蒂芬·惠勒加州大学摘要本文建立了这样的框架，通过调查在城市发展中应用可持续性概念及其意义的起源，来考虑可持续发展在大城市中的情况。
城市规划外文翻译文献综述
城市规划外文翻译文献综述(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)绿地，城市持续发展最重要的指标：城市规划效用研究摘要：本篇文章总结了在西班牙城市巴伦西亚开展的一次非常广泛的研究，即绿地在城市舒适度中起到的作用。
之前，已经研究出了组成城市环境的环境参数。
根据这些值，一系列的舒适指数被分析并被证实，这些指数证明了之前作出的决定中的最佳的行为。
同样被研究的还有绿地在公共城市空间中的作用：对太阳辐射的保留度和污染滞留容量。
根据绿地的总量，这在公式上达到了舒适指数的极限值，即通过统计相关性，测定出城市达到理论上的舒适所需的绿地的表面积。
本篇文章对城市量度的公式进行了更宽泛的分析，通过对空间和环境以更广泛的视角和更丰富的多样性的研究。
这三个舒适指数已经被巴伦西亚以最佳的运作状态表现出来了，即达到了统计学上的最确定性。
这篇文章最后研究了早前在巴伦西亚进行的绿色规划实验。
最终结果考虑到巴伦西亚的学术权威提出的保护许尔塔的建议，正是这个天然商品花园开始了巴伦西亚的形成，接着形成了欧洲地区的战略哲学和欧洲景观风俗。
DOI: 10.1061/(ASCE)UP.1943-5444.0000060. © 2011 美国土木工程师协会关键词：城市规划，植物，树木，应用研究，可持续规划引言：全球人口城市化速度的增长在最近几年值得注意，这一现象的发生根本上是由于城市为居民提供了更优的基本生活条件，极大地增加了他们的自由度。
现实情况是，城市地区表现出越来越多的矛盾、不健康、难管理，其中最主要的是巨大的压力在环境方面。
因此，在城市首先思考环境问题并将它从根本上的处理和解决掉才是合乎情理的。
最近几年，数以千计的人们每当周末便涌向城市周边，探索还未被发现的动物栖息地和自然空间。
这在根本上是因为现代文明，尤其是在西方社会，对“基本生活条件”进行了清楚的定义，涉及到的基本生活条件是幸福的一项复杂的参数，根据世界卫生组织的建议，这一可靠结果有着和健康同等的定义：“不仅仅是没有疾病和病痛，而且要在身体、心理和社交方面都是幸福的。
城市规划外文翻译
Introduction of Liangjiang New AreaAfter Shanghai Pudong New Area and Tianjin Binhai New Area, China’s only inland and third municipal-level new area –Chongqing Liangjiang New Area – was set up with the approval of the State Council on June 16, 2010, the 13th anniversary since Chongqing being China’s 4th municipality.Liangjiang New Area, located in the main urban districts of Chongqing, north of the Yangtze River and east of the Jialing River covers 1,200 square kilometers, of which 550 square kilometers is available for construction and composed of Jiangbei, Yubei and Beibei administrative district, the North New Zone and China’s first inland bonded zone, Lianglu Cuntan Bonded Port Area. Chongqing Liangjiang New Area Development & Investment Group Co., Ltd. is in charge of constructing the industrial parks.Strategic positionAccording to the approval of the Sate Council, Chongqing Liangjiang New Area will play roles of a pilot area for the comprehensive urban-rural reform; an important modern manufacturing base and comprehensive transport hub of China; a trade, commercial and logistics centre as well as a financial and technological innovation centre of the upper reaches of the Yangtze; an important gateway of the inland region opening to the outside world and a model for the scientific development.Transport advantagesAs the geographic core of the inland, Chongqing Municipality, located at the connection region of the west and middle China, enjoys a three-dimensional traffic network linking the south and north China and will form 3 transport hubs of China's 4th largest international airport, inland river transport's biggest port and the junction of 8 railways. The local logistics cost is greatly cut with the he new way created by Liangjiang New Area, the opening of New Eurasia Land Bridge and the access to the Indian Ocean, which provides advantageous conditions for the new area in attracting world's production factors and establishing a rapid carrying-over platform. All can indicate that Liangjiang New Area has been in the forefront of the opening-up project in inland China.Reasonable space structure & industrial layoutIn terms of space structure, Liangjiang New Area is divided into 3 sectors of modern service industry, advanced manufacturing industry and urban comprehensive functional zone and composed of 10 functional zones of Jiangbeizui CBD, Bonded Areas, Yufu Modern Manufacturing and Logistics Zone, Longxing Advanced Manufacturing Zone, North Urban Economic Zone, Airport lingang Industrial Zone,Yulai Exhibition Center，Caijia Hi-tech Industrial Zone, Shuifu Ecosystem Industrial Zone and Mugu Export Processing Zone. In terms of industrial layout, the area will form 5 strategic industries of rail transit, electric power (nuclear power and wind power, etc.), new energy automobiles, electronic information and energy conservation materials. In addition, the layout will focus on 3 strategic functions of national research and development headquarters, important transformation base for scientific research achievements and data center. Furthermore, the area will speed up developing a group of emerging industry clusters to form a “5+3” layout.Preferential policesThe State Council provides Liangjiang New Area with unprecedented preferential policies to increase support for further industry, capital and human talents development. The 3 preferential policies of West Development, coordination of the comprehensive urban and rural reform and experience of Pudong and Binhai new area will take effect in the area, marking Liangjiang New Area to be the one with most preferential policies in China. The area unveils a series of preferential policies, such as enterprises income tax is reduced to 15%, arousing great attention in the world.Good foundation for developmentLian gjiang New Area in an “old + new” style includes the inland China’s only bonded port, the largest conference center in the west, finance & trade center and so on, while Pudong and Binhai new area were built from nothing. Liangjiang New Area gained a Gross Domestic Product of around 80 billion yuan, 13 and 4 times of Pudong and Binhai at their beginning.On the basis of “take Chongqing as the base, provide service to west China, depend on the economy belt along the Yangtze River, open to the outside world”, the CPC Chongqing Committee and Chongqing Municipal Government definite the “Three Three-Step Strategy” for the Development of Liangjiang New Area, “to achieve initial success in 2 years, to take a shape in 5 years and to basically complete in 10 years”. The area in 2012 will get the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of 0.16 trillion yuan with an increase of 100%; in 2015, the GDP will be more than 0.32 trillion yuan; in 2020, Liangjiang New Area will be the inland China’s open model with modern functions, advanced industries, gathering headquarters, livable environment and international influence. Its GDP and industrial gross output will hit 0.64 trillion and 1 trillion yuan respectively, which is the same as “reconstructing one more Chongqing industry and Chong qing economy in 10 years”.重庆两江新区概况重庆两江新区于2010年6月18日,也就是重庆直辖13周年之际挂牌成立，是我国内陆地区唯一的国家级开发开放新区，也是继上海浦东新区、天津滨海新区后，由国务院直接批复的第三个国家级开发开放新区。
城市景观规划设计毕业论文中英文资料外文翻译文献
高中生英语作文《城市规划与可持续发展》
高中生英语作文《城市规划与可持续发展》（中英文版）Urban Planning and Sustainable DevelopmentUrban planning plays a crucial role in shaping the future of our cities and ensuring their sustainable development.As the world becomes more urbanized, it is essential to focus on creating well-planned cities that balance economic growth with environmental protection and social well-being.One of the key aspects of urban planning is the efficient use of land and infrastructure.This involves careful consideration of how land is used, where housing, industries, and green spaces are located, and how transportation networks are designed.By planning our cities effectively, we can reduce traffic congestion, minimize pollution, and create more livable environments for residents.Another important aspect of urban planning is the promotion of green spaces and environmental conservation.This includes the creation of parks, gardens, and other natural areas that provide habitats for wildlife, improve air quality, and offer residents a chance to connect with nature.Additionally, sustainable practices such as rainwater harvesting, waste recycling, and the use of renewable energy sources should be integrated into city planning to reduce the environmental impact of urban areas.Furthermore, urban planning should also focus on social equity and inclusivity.This means ensuring that all residents have access to basic services such as healthcare, education, and transportation, regardless of their socio-economic status.It also involves creating diverse and vibrant communities where people of different backgrounds can live, work, and interact harmoniously.In conclusion, urban planning is essential for creating sustainable and livable cities.By carefully considering land use, promoting green spaces, and focusing on social equity, we can build cities that are environmentally friendly, economically prosperous, and socially inclusive.With effective urban planning, we can ensure a better future for ourselves and future generations.。
城市规划相关外文翻译资料
Riverfro nt Lan dscape Desig n for London 2012 Olympic ParkClie nt: Olympic Delivery AuthorityLocati on: London, UKProject Credit: Atk insText: Mike McNicholas, Project Director, Atk insHow do you pla nt along a river's edge, knowing that millio ns of people could be pass ing through thesite in the n ear future? How do you desig n, create and maintain the surrounding wetla nds, knowing that man-made wet woodla nd is very rare and tran siti on alby n ature? How do you en surethat the habitat being created remai ns viable and susta in able in the Ion g-term? Atk ins engin eers of the wetla nds and river edges on the London 2012 Olympic Park were tasked with fi nding answers to all of these questi ons.Coveri ng more tha n 246 hectares of formerly derelict in dustrial la nd, London' s new Olympic Park for the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games is one of Europe's biggest-ever urba n gree ning projects. Rivers and wetla nds are at the heart of the visi on for the new park, which lies in east London' s Lower Lee Valley. Th e Iandscape that' s now emerging will provide a backdrop for the main action of theLo ndon 2012 Games.As river edge and wetla nd engin eers for the project, Atk ins has played a critical role in turni ng the visio n in to reality. Atk ins ' remit in cludes desig n of the soft river edges and wetla nds, in cludi ng riverba nk restoratio n and bioe ngin eeri ng.The tran sformati on is un precede nted.More tha n 8km of riverba nks have bee n restored as part of the project; in tan dem with this, 2 hectares of reed beds and ponds have bee n created, along with 9,000 square meters of rare wet woodla nd(Fig.01).The challe nge was about gett ing people both visual and physical access dow n to the river-to actually make the rivers more accessible and more ope n, and therefore the cen terpiece of the Park.Mike Vaughan heads up Atkins' multidisciplinary design team, which includes river engineers, geomorphologists and ecologists. “The idea was to open up the river corridor by making the steep slopes that line the river fl att e” explains Mike. “ By dropp ing the slopes, we' ve brought the river into the park and made it much more accessible-people can get close to the river and see whats going on there”Gett ing the riverba nk geometry just right was a delicate bala ncing act. Too steep, and the banks would n eed costly artifi cial rein forceme nt; too shallow, and they would start to eat into valuable space on the site. An optimum slope of 1 in 2.5-about 22 degrees- was chose n. The space occupied by river bank was restricted by the n eed toconvey fl oodwater and the location of terrestrial Iandscape and infrastructure. As such, the banks were over-steepe nedus ing two approaches.Firstly, where possible, the riverbanks were terraced using coir rolls and timber stakes. In other locations, where only a 70 degree bank was possible, a rein forced detail was used, provid ing layers of geo-grid and steel mesh cages, faced with a riverside turf.Today, with the new Iandscape rapidly taking shape, it s easy to forget how the Lee Valley used to look. Un til the Olympic Delivery Authority (ODA) took possessi on of the site in 2006, many of the river cha nn els that criss-cross the site were clogged with invasive weeds, along with the predictable detritus of urban decay: aba ndoned shopp ing trolleys and car tires.Th e Lee Valley' s neglected river network wasn t only an eyesore, but also an obstacle-a gulf separating Hackney and Tower Hamlets in the west from Waltham Forest and Newham in the east.Now, the revitalized waterways-and the new crossings spanning them-will be vital not only duri ng the Games, but also aft er 2012. Th ey are an in tegral part of the legacy solutio n, stitchi ng the new Park and its waterways into the wider fabric of east London.1 Bringing Habitats back to LifeMaki ng the most of the site ' s rivers and n atural features to create susta in able habitats is a key part of the Olympic Delivery Authority ' s vision for the Olympic Park. But the process of transforming the park' s rivers from weed and rubbish-i nfested gulches into prist ine watercourses has bee n long and tough.For Atk ins, that process started with develop ing an in timate un dersta nding of the labyri nth of waterways and cha nn els that wind their way through the site. Flows and velocities were measured at diff erent points over a period of time, with data used to con struct a detailed hydraulic model to predict flood risk. That' s of critical importa nee, because Atk ins had resp on sibility for everyth ing up to a con tour of 4 meters above ordnance datum (sea level) on the site.A full flood risk assessme nt was un dertake n at en vir onmen tal impact assessme nt stage. Atk ins un dertook an alyses of the risk of fl ood ing caused by freque nt rain fall, taking into acco unt the automated regulati on of water levels in the impo un ded reaches and the impact of tidal lockout. The modeli ng exercise was made con siderably more complicated by the impo un dme nt of the river system duri ng the course of 2008; in effect, this elim in ated the direct tidal infl uence of the Th ames. But its in direct infl uence is still felt. “ Whe n the tide comes in on the Th ames, it stops water fl owing out of the River Lee ” explains Mike Vaughan. “ So the river levels fl uctuate by an average of 400mm a day.Atki ns' modeli ng calculati ons correctly predicted this phe nomenon, and also the in creased risk of flood ing. “ These discoveries led to some cha nges in the Ian dscap ing profile,” says Mike. “ The riverside paths have bee n raised by up to a meter and the profile of the wetla nds was also raised, as main tai ning correct water levels is critical to their survival. ”Susta in able drain age tech niq ues have also bee n used across the Park. In theIan dscape areas, porous strips have bee n used in the con course, feedi ng into bioswales which drain dow n into the riverside pon ds. Surface conv eya nee, un dergro und pipes and storage features have also bee n utilized(Fig.O2).The first step in the river restoration process was to“ lay back” the banks, many of which were precipitously steep. This re-profili ng was n ecessary because much of the surrounding land was “made” ground, the result of centuries of tipping that had raised the ground level by as much as 10 meters in places. The cocktail of materials on the banks included rubble, glass, animal bones and, more recently, wartime demoliti on materials from London' s east end.Ano ther challe nge facing the Atk ins team was the prevale nee of in vasive weeds. These in cluded Himalaya n balsam, Japa nesek no tweed and gia nt hogweed. All are fast-growing non-native plants introduced to Britain in the 19th century as garde ncuriosities; all have prospered on the wrong side of the garde n wall.Invasive species are bad news for riverbanks. They reproduce and grow with prodigious speed, driving out native plant species. And they' re highly resilient. Knotweed can force its way through solid concrete, while giant hogweed contains furocoumari ns, sun-activated tox ins that can cause ski n ulcerati on. Elimi natio n was a priority —soil was treated throughout the site and the banks stripped of all rema ining vegetatio n.In additi on, Atk ins was resp on sible for en suri ng the protect ion of the existi ng fl ora and fauna on the site. Phase one habitat surveys were un dertake n as part of the en vir onmen tal impact assessme nt in 2006, in clud ing bird and fi sh surveys. A major translocation of species was undertaken to suitable receptor sites including a specially-created 1 hectare site just outside the Park. Atki ns translocated 330 com mon lizards, 100 toads and 4,000 smooth n ewts. In order to protect the flora on the site, Atki ns mai ntai ned a ‘ permit to clear' system for con tractors, and specifi ed safeguarded habitat areas that were not to be touched including areas of sycamore trees.2 Choosi ng Pla nts to Pla ntAtkins is responsible for the final look of the riverbanks and wetlands-and decid ing what to re- pla nt prese nted a challe nge. With banks now bare, new pla nting would have to fulfi ll not only ecological and aesthetic dema nds-they' d be expected to be in bloom for the Olympic Games-but engin eeri ng imperatives too.The Atk ins desig n team chose bioe ngin eeri ng tech niq ues, rather tha n culvert ing and hard engineering, for the project. That means protecting and consolidating riverba nks by using vegetatio n and n atural products in stead of con crete. Choos ing the right species with the right root systems would be critical to protect the banks from erosi on.An added challe nge was that the river n etwork is semi-tidal. The twice-daily rise and fall of around 400mm had the pote ntial to play havoc with new pla nti ng, and the river' s high sedime nt loads threate ned to smother anything pla nted from seed or plugs. “ We don' t actually have a n atural river system” no tes Mike. “ Pla nts don' t cop well in those con diti on s.”To fi nd out which plants would fare best-and to establish the most eff ective planting methods -Atkins conducted a unique riverbank planting trial along a 50-metre stretch of the Lee in the Olympic Park.“We trialled plants of different elevations and different installation techniques. These were monitored over a year,” says Ian Morrissey, senior environmental scientist with Atkins. “ That's really helped to inform exactly what species we should plant and where”.The trial revealed that plug plants would be just too vulnerable. But plants pre-grown in coir -coconut fibre matting-resisted being washed away or swamped. Coir has other benefi ts too-it 's easy and quick to install in rolls and pallets two meters long and a meter wide(Fig.03).“Th e mat itself acts like a mulch, so you prevent any weeds growing up through it that might already be within the bank material. But more importantly, when the banks become inundated, you get fine sediment trapped within the coir. Th at helps to bind the roots and feed the plant”s, says Ian.3 Banking on Tomorrow' s SeedlingsCreating a sustainable riverbank ecosystem means using native species. So before the banks were scraped back, seed was collected from suitable native aquatic species-a process managed by Atkins -and stored in a seed bank. Some of this seed was then used by bioengineering and nursery specialists, Salix, who were appointed by the Olympic Delivery Authority to cultivate plants off site in what 's believed to be one of Britain's biggest-ever nursery contracts.The offsite growing operation was huge and sowing for the project commenced in June 2009, as plants must be a year old and well established in their coir pallets before encountering the tough riverbank environment.Plants for the wet woodlands, including sedges, were raised in more than 7,000 pots at Salix' s nursery on the Gower peninsula, near Swansea. And in Norfolk, the company created a new 16-acre nursery dedicated to the 2012 project(Fig.04). Here, more than 300,000 plants representing some 28 different species, including sedges, common reed, marsh marigolds and yellow fl ag irises, were grown on more than a thousand coir pallets, ready to be transported to London in the following months.During the summer of 2010, the 18,000 square metres of planting were then pieced together like a giant jigsaw. This was a massive logistical challenge. To make it easier, each of the pallets and rolls was tagged. It was vitally important that each one went in exactly the right space so as to avoid cutting and trimming the roots and rhizomes of the plants. The team laid them out in blocks, to a plan, to make sure this didn't happen.4 Ponds and Wet Woodlands from ScratchWhile the riverbanks of the “Old River Lee” occupied much of the attention of the Atkins team, there were also entirely new bodies of water to consider. A fundamental part of the biodiversity of the river edges in the north of the Park lies in three new triangular ponds, off the east bank. Two of these were designed to dry up in the summer, forming moist grassy hollows. Th e third pond was created to retain water, en abli ngspecies such as water lilies and marsh marigold to thrive(Fig.O5).Preve nting that third pond from dryi ng out -while also en suri ng that it did not fl ood along with the River Lee-was a conun drum. Atk ins resp on ded by desig ning a conn ecti on betwee n the pond and the river to act as both overfl ow and feed. Flows could be regulated: whe n the pond level rose too high, water could be drained back into the river; whe n it started to dry out, a valve could be ope ned to release river water back into the pon d. It sounds simple, but it is believed to be the fi rst of its kind for a habitat feature of this scale.As well as the improved waterways and riverba nks, new wet woodla nds will be a no table feature of the Olympic Park. They' re now a rare habitat in the UK, and the ones in the Park are being created from scratch.“ It was quite a novel thing to be asked to do” recalls Atkins' Ian Morrissey. “ The challenge was to make sure we had the right water levels within the wetwoodla nd areas. Atk ins was resp on sible for work ing out the topographies and the cha nn els, and how they would in teract with the river”Wetla nds have a tendency to become dry land eve ntually, a process that can be slowed dow n through select ing the right vegetatio n, careful water level man ageme nt and maintenan ce.“ The sedge species we selected were chose n because they are quite vigorous so are able to compete well with terrestrial species, says Ian.Tree species for the wet woodla nd in clude willow, alder, birch and the now rare black poplar, points out Atkins' Mike Vaughan: “It' s fantastic for wildlife. You get a lot of in vertebrates in there, as well as n esti ng birds.Birds, though, can present a challenge, particularly on the freshly planted riverba nks.“There' s a risk of wildfowl grazing our plants when they get on site, ” says Mike. To prevent that happening, hundreds of meters of deterrent fencing were erected around new vegetati on. That stayed there un til spri ng 2O12(Fig.O6).5 Beyond the Finishing LineThe transformation of the lower Lee Valley and the creation of the new park, now n eari ng completio n, is remarkable by any sta ndards. Visitors to the Olympic Park - up to 250,000 every day at the peak of the Games - will encounter one of the gree nest and most en viro nmen tally frie ndly parks ever to be created for the Olympics.And the ben efits will be felt lo ng after 2012. “ We' re pulli ng that really difficult trick of putting in infrastructure that' s good for the Games, but will work in legacy” said the ODA's John Hopkins. “This will be a great place to live and work, with rivers and parkla nds at the heart. Socially, econo mically and en vir onmen tally, there will be a terrifi c legacy-it ' s a new Iandscape powering a new piece of city.伦敦2012奥林匹克公园滨水景观设计与营造业主委托：伦敦奥运交付管理局项目位置：英国伦敦项目设计：阿特金斯撰文：迈克•麦克尼古拉斯/阿特金斯项目经理如果在不久的未来，将有数百万人途经这块滨水区域，沿河该如何种植？如果了解到自然界中人造湿林地已十分罕见，该如何设计、创造并维护周边这种湿地环境？该如何长期保持栖息地的活力和可持续性？在伦敦2012奥林匹克公园项目中，来自阿特金斯的工程师们受托负责湿地和河滨地区设计及建设，将会找到所有这些问题的答案。
城市规划文献翻译
<文献翻译一：原文>Planning, Governing, and the Image ofthe City1THE SEPARATION OF KNOWLEDGE FROM ACTION,AND THE IMAGE AS A TIE THAT BINDS THEMPlanning theory has tended to emphasize the separation of knowledge from action, as evidenced by the subtitle of a main text, Planning in the Public Domain: From Knowledge to Action (Friedmann 1987). Doing so has perpetuated a long line of enlightenment thinking that nourishes the epistemological roots of endeavors such as planning and design. Hannah Arendt (1958) identified knowledge with command and action with obedience to command. Thus she was able to claim that the separation of knowing and doing is the root of domination. Arendt was influenced by Martin Heidegger who, in his famous essay "The Question Concerning Technology," questioned how society questions technology (1977). What he achieved by this was a radical rethinking of what technology is, and how society mediates thought and action by technology. For Heidegger, technology is not limited to machines nor popular ascriptions like means and tools. For him the essence of technology is enframing. Technology enframes the real and transforms it into a standing reserve. Everything lies in wait to be used and transformed by technology. In this sense institutions are a technology that turns agents and ideas into objects subject to institutional technology. This places agents and ideas in a subordinate relation to the institution. In Heidegger's analysis, knowledge is both subordinate to institutional action and superordinate to the power that enables the institution to act. In contrast, Arendt's analysis of the individual person places knowledge in a position superior to action.The separation of knowledge from action, object from subject, being from doing, and command from obedience is picked up in the historical studies of Michel Foucault and his theorizing on power and knowledge (Foucault 1978, 1979, 1980). Juirgen Habermas is also sympathetic to Arendt's treatment of knowledge and action (1974, 1979).These fecund lines of thought opened up a host of pathways for critical social, political, philosophical, and professional analyses. Not in the least, they helped bring the institution back in, to paraphrase Theda Skocpol (1985).1． Michael Neuman．Planning, Governing, and the Image ofthe City [D]．Current Issue，（J）：December 2012．In the sphere of planning, Friedmann's "knowledge before action" can be traced back to Patrick Geddes's survey before plan，if not earlier (Geddes 1915). Friedmann (1987) cloaked a rational model similar to the choice theory put forth by Davidoffand Reiner a generation earlier (1962) in radical transactive garb. Friedmann underscored the link that politics makes between scientific/technical knowledge and societal guidance. He ironically set up a consulting capacity for planners in which they advise decision makers. If planners are cast into this advisory role, they can do nothing but fulfill the dichotomy signalled by the phrase "from knowledge to action" (emphasis added).Moreover, in his prescription for radical planning, references to vision, images, and institutions do not appear, if one excepts macro-institutions such as the market, government, and society.The divorce of knowledge from action, of content from process, is nearly complete in planning theory. The primacy of process is held firm under the grip of theories of communicative action. The communicative paradigm has unearthed fertile soil for a cadre of theorists using rubrics suchas discourse, consensus building, debate, story telling, equity planning, and interactive planning (Innes 1995). But to remove images in any of their forms from discourse results in a partial analysis, and will eventually result in communicative theories coming to a standstill. Not only are images and plans important to planning and governing, images are critical parts of and influences on daily life. "Pervasive images" is a pleonasm. Is it not our responsibility as scholars to come to grips with this phenomenon? Rodowick, for one,claimed that "electronic and digital arts are rapidly engendering new strategies of creation and simulation, and of spatial and temporal ordering, that linguistic philosophies are ill-equipped to understand" (Rodowick 1991, 12,quoted in Boyer 1994, 490).Boyer, writing on North American city planning, claimed "the past failures of the architect-planner to build images of the city reflect the refusal to allow the past to be experienced with the present in a new constellation. In consequence our modern cityscapes show little awareness of their historical past" (1983, 286). We can add that the present failures of planning theorists to build theories incorporating images and plans reflect the refusal to allow planning's past to be experienced with its present. We can rest somewhat easier knowing that practice has gone ahead of theory by reincorporating the image and rediscovering the plan (Neuman 1996).<文献翻译一：译文>规划、指导、形象和城市理论与实践的分离形象作为其纽带如《不受限制的规划：从知识到实践》(Friedmann 1987 年)的标题所言，规划理论已倾向于将知识从实践分离出来。
城市规划外文翻译
城市规划外文翻译集团标准化工作小组 #Q8QGGQT-GX8G08Q8-GNQGJ8-MHHGN#外文文献翻译河北工程大学建筑学院城市规划1101A KNOWLEDGE-BASED CONCEPTUAL VISION OF THE SMART CITYElsa NEGRE Camille ROSENTHAL-SABROUX Mila GASCóLAMSADE LAMSADE Center for Innovation in CitiesParis-Dauphine University Paris-Dauphine University Institute for Innovation SIGECAD Team SIGECAD Team and Knowledge ManagementFrance France ESADE-Ramon Llull UniversityAbstractThe term smart city is a fuzzy concept, not well defined in theoretical researches nor in empirical projects. Several definitions, different from each other, have been proposed. However, all agree on the fact that a Smart City is an urban space that tends to improve the daily life (work, school,...) of its citizens(broadly defined). This is an improvement fromdifferent points of view: social, political, economic, governmental. This paper goes beyond this definition and proposes a knowledge-based conceptual vision of the smart city, centered on people’s information and knowledge of people, in order to improve decision-making processes and enhance the value-added of business processes of the modern city.1. IntroductionOver the past few decades, the challenges faced by municipal ,such as urban growth or migration, have become increasingly complex and interrelated. In addition to the traditional land-use regulation, urban maintenance, production, and management of services, governments are required to meet new demands from different actors regarding water supply, natural resources sustainability, education, safety, or transportation (Gascóet al,2014). Innovation, and technological innovation in particular, can help city governments to meet the challenges of urban governance, to improve urban environments, to become more competitive and to address sustainability concerns. Since the early 90s, the development of Internet and communication technologies has facilitated the generation of initiatives to create opportunities for communication and information sharing by local authorities. This phenomenon appeared in the United States then moved to Europe and Asia. Indeed, in oureveryday life, we are more and more invaded by data and information. This flow of data and information is often the result of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). Moreover, potentialities of ICT, that have almost exponentially increased have given rise to a huge mass of data to treat (Batty, 2013). The world is becoming increasingly digital and people are affected by these changes. Also, the digital infrastructure infers an information environment that is “as imperceptible to us as water is to a fish”(McLuhan & Gordon, 2011).There exists a kind of parallelism between technologies and humans. On one hand, people use technologies more and more and are hyperconnected, and, on the other hand, (numeric) systems are more and more user-centered (Viitanen &Kingston, 2014). Thus, within cities, systems have to adapt to hyper-connected citizens, in a very particular environment, the one of cities in constant evolution where systems and humans arenested. The advent of new technologies also confronts the city to a large influx of data (Big Data) from heterogeneous sources, including social networks. Itis also important to note that much information and /or knowledge flow between different people (with different uses and backgrounds) and between different stakeholders (Kennedy, 2012). In this respect, the city sees that numerous data circulate via the internet, wireless communication, mobile phones,…Finally, smart cities are exposed to technological issues tied to the huge mass of data which pass within them. These data can carry knowledge and, by the way, the smart city, and de facto, the smart city,aware of the existence and of the potential of this knowledge, can exploit and use them.Note that, for a city, all citizens become knowledgecitizens, especially those whose knowledge is the crucial factor enabling them to improve theirdecision-making processes. In this respect,knowledge is fundamentally valuable to make better decisions and to act this context, this paper focuses on knowledge in the smart city. The paper discusses both explicit knowledge (knowledge extracted from data which flows within the city) and tacit knowledge(that is, citizen’s knowledge). Our argument is twofold:on one hand, we believe that, due to the importance for the city management of tacit knowledge, the city should be closer to its citizens(Bettencourt, 2013). On the other, a city can become smarter by improving its decision-making process and, therefore, by making better decisions. ICT can help in this respect: more data and better-managed data result in, not only more information, but also more knowledge. More knowledge gives rise to better decisions (Grundstein et al, 2003; Simon,1969).The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Next, we present some literature on smart cities and knowledge. Subsequently, we describe the opportunities and challenges smart cities offer for cities development and growth. The City’s Information and Knowledge System is then introduced. Finally, we bring to a close, drawing some conclusions on what a knowledge-based smart city is.2. Related Work. On smart citiesThe origins of the smart city concept are related to the European Union’s energetic efficiency programs that aimed at making cities sustainable(AMETIC, 2013). However, important conceptual trends have also contributed to the emergence of this term. In particular, the influence of open innovation has been key. Chesbrough (2006 & 2003) defines open innovation as a strategy by which firms commercialize external (as well as internal) ideas by deploying outside (as well as in-house) pathways to the market. Inaddition, “ideas can also originate outside the firm’s own labs and be brought inside for commercialization. In other words, the boundary between a firm and its surrounding environment is more porous, enabling innovation to move easily between the two”(Chesbrough, 2003: 37).Despite open innovation was born in relation to the industry and the business world, several authors think this theory can be easily implemented in different fields. In this respect, while historically the public sector has lagged on the innovation curve,today information technology is opening up new opportunities to transform governance and redefine government-citizen interactions, particularly within cities (Chan, 2013; Pyrozhenko, 2011; Almirall &Wareham, 2008). In this context, a smart city can be understood as an environment of open and userdriven innovation for experimenting and validating ICT-enabled services (Schaffers et al., 2011).A second relevant stream of theory that has contributed to the development of smart cities is urban planning and urban development (Trivellato etal., 2013). Ferro et al. (2013) state that the term smart city probably finds its roots in the late nineties with the smart growth movement calling for smart policies in urban planning. According to Anthopoulos & Vakali (2011), urban planning controls the development and the organization of a city by determining, among other, the urbanization zones and the land uses, the location of various public networks and communal spaces, the anticipation of the residential areas, and the rules for buildings constructions. Traditionally, urban planners have been concerned with designing the physical infrastructure of communities, such as transportation systems, business districts, parks and, housing development (Fernback, 2010). Currently, in doing so, urban planners find in technology an enormous opportunity to shape the future of a city (Townsend,2013), particularly for urban planning is a complextask requiring multidimensional urbaninformation, which needs to be shared and integrated.Regardless of its origins, various attempts have been made to academically define and conceptually describe a smart city. AlAwadhi & Scholl (2013) state that, actually, these definitions depend on different types and groups of practitioners think about what a smart city is. In this respect, although no generally accepted academic definition has emerged so far, several works have identified certain urban attributes that may characterize what a smart city start with, Giffinger et al. (2007) rank 70 European cities using six dimensions: smart economy (competitiveness), smart people (human and social capital), smart governance (participation), smart mobility (transport and ICT), smartenvironment(natural resources), and smart living (quality of life).As a result, they define a smart city as “a city well performing in a forward-looking way in these six characteristics, built on the ‘smart combination of endowments and activities of self-decisive,independent and aware citizens”(p. 11). Moreover, Nam & Pardo (2011) suggest three conceptual dimensions of a smart city: technology, people, and community. For them, technology is key because of the use of ICT to transform life and work within a city in significant and fundamental ways.However, a smart city cannot be built simp ly through the use of technology. That is why the role of human infrastructure, human capital and education, on one hand, and the support of government and policy, on the other, also become important factors. These three variables considered, the authors conclude that “a city is smart when investments in human/social capital and IT infrastructure fuel sustainable growth and enhance a quality of life, through participatory governance”(p. 286).In turn, Leydesdorff & Deakin (2011) introduce a triple helix model of smart cities. They argue that can be considered as densities in networks among three relevant dynamics: the intellectual capital of universities, the wealth creation of industries, and the democratic government of civil society. Lombardi et al. (2011) build on this model and refer to the involvement of the civil society as one of the key actors, alongside the university, theindustry and the government. In Lombardi’s words(2011)“this advanced model presupposes that the four helices operate in a complex urban environment, where civic involvement, along with cultural and social capital endowments, shape the relationships between the traditional helices of university, industry and government. The interplay between these actors and forces determines the success of a city in moving on a smart development path”(p. 8).Yet, so far, one of the most comprehensive and integrative framework for analyzing smart city projects has been presented by Chourabi et al. (2012).The authors present a set of eight dimensions, both internal and external, that affect the design,implementation, and use of smart cities initiatives:1) Management and organization: Organizational and managerial factors such as project size, leadership or change management. 2)Technology: Technological challenges such as lack of IT skills.3) Governance: Factors related to the implementation of processes with constituents who exchange information according to rules and standards in order to achieve goals and objectives.4) Policy context: Political and institutional components thatrepresent various political elements and external pressures.5) People and communities: Factors related to the individuals and communities, which are part of the so-called smart city, such as the digital divide or the level of education.6) Economy: Factors around economic variables such as competitiveness,innovation,entrepreneurship, productivity or flexibility.7)Built infrastructure: Availability and quality of the ICT infrastructure.8) Natural environment: Factors related to sustainability and better management of natural resources. Finally, according to Dameri (2013), within the European Union, the concept of smart city is based on four basic elements that composed the city:1) Land: The territorial dimension is not limited to the administrative boundaries of the city but may extend to the region. Sometimes, cities group together and form a network to share knowledge and best practices to tackle urban problems. The city is subjected to influences and regulations of the nation, which itself is affected by more global prerogatives.2)Infrastructures: Buildings, streets, traffic and public transports impact the quality of urban life and urban environment.3) People: All the stakeholders who are linked to the city (students, workers, neighbors, friends, tourists, …).4) Government: Urban policies are defined at the local level, and also at the central level, or even at a more global level, such as the European level, depending on the topic, the action, the project, However, a definition of a smart city is indispensable to define its perimeter and to understand which initiatives can be considered smart and which cannot. Moreover, a standard definition is also the first step for each city to specify its own vision of a smart city strategy. The definition and the comprehensive smart city framework(threats,opportunities,…) are the necessary basis on which to build the smart city goals system. That is why, in this paper, we agree with the Chourabi, et al’s framework(2012) and the Caragliu, etal.’s definition (2009) and consider that cities are smart when investments inhuman and social capital and traditional (transport) and modern (ICT) communication infrastructure fuelsustainable economic growth and a high quality oflife, with a wise management of natural resources,through participatory governance.. On knowledgeAs mentioned in the introduction, the smart city must be able to exploit knowledge that result from data management. This knowledge will result in better decisions in order for the 21st century city to address its main challenges (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).Wesuggest an approach to digital information systems centered on people’s information and knowledge of people, in order to improve decisionmaking processes and enhance the value-added of business processes of the city.ICT allow people located outside a city to communicate with other people and to exchange knowledge. These observations concerning knowledge in the city context highlight the importance of tacit knowledge. It points out the interest of creating a favorable climate for both the exchange and sharing of tacit knowledge and its transformation into explicit knowledge and therefore extending the field of knowledge which will come under the rules and regulations governing industrial property (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).Moreover, we should emphasize the fact that capitalizing on city’s knowledge is an ongoing issue, omnipresent in everyone’s activities, which specifically should have an increasing impact on management functions of the city. Polanyi (1967) classifies the human knowledge into two categories: tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge. He says: “tacit knowledge is personal,context-specific, and therefore hard to formalize andcommunicate. Explicit or 'codified' knowledge, on the other hand, refers to knowledge that is transmittable in formal, systematic language" . Our point of view can be found in the work of Nonaka & Takeuchi (1995), with reference to Polanyi (1967), considering that “tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge are not totally separated but mutually complementary entities”(Nonaka &Takeuchi, 1995: 61). For Nonaka & Takeuchi (1995), explicit knowledge can be easily expressed in written documents but is less likely to result in major decisions than tacit knowledge, which is to say that the decision process stems from knowledge acquired through experience, albeit difficult to express in elements are “explicit knowledge”. Heterogeneous, incomplete or redundant, they are often marked by the circumstances under which knowledge was created. They do not express the unwritten rules of those who formalized knowledge, the “unspoken words”. They are stored and disseminated in archives, cabinets, and databases, ...(Polanyi, 1967).Intangible elements are “tacit knowledge”.Acquired through practice, they are adaptable to the situations. Explicitly or non-explicitly, they are often transmitted by implicit collective apprenticeship or by a master-apprentice relationship. They are located in people's minds (Polanyi, 1967).By analogy with the works of Polanyi (1967),Nelson and Winter (1982), Davenport & Prusak(1998) and Grundstein et al. (2003), the city’s knowledge consists of tangible elements (databases,procedures, drawings, models, documents used for analyzing and synthesizing data, …) and intangible elements (people's needs, unwritten rules of individual and collective behavior patterns, knowledge of the city’s history and decision-making contexts, knowledge of the city environment(citizens, tourists, companies, technologies,influential socio-economic factors, …). All these elements characterize the city’s capability to innovate, produce, sell, and support its services. They are representative of the city’s experience and culture. They constitute and produce the added-valueof the city.These observations concerning knowledge in the city context highlight the importance of tacit knowledge. They point out the interest in taking into account tacit knowledge in decision processes. As a reminder, we believe that the decision in the context of smart cities, where data and knowledge flow, is permanent and important. 3. Opportunities and challenges of the smart citiesCities are confronted to a continuous improvement process and have to become smarter and smarter (Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014). In doing so, they are confronted with threats and opportunities.Opportunities in cities are given by innovation,education, culture, companies, public organizations and public spaces where people can exchange, make sport, share experiences, meet each other, …On the other side, difficulties related to urbanization, environment protection, pollution,inefficient public transports, traffic, lack of green spaces, social differences, …are threats to city.To deal with these threats and opportunities,questions regarding knowledge in the city arise: How should we link knowledge management to the smart city strategy What activities should be developed and promoted What organizational structures should be put in place How should we go about creating them How can we implement enabling conditions for knowledge management initiatives What impact and benefit evaluation methods should be installedHow can we go about provoking cultural change towards a more knowledge-sharing attitude Within this perspective, we must keep in mind that cities need to evolve through their own efforts, by intensifying diversity and creating new foundations for thought and behavior.A knowledge-based city requires that each citizen takes responsibility for objectives, contributions to the city and, indeed, for behavior as well. This implies that all citizens are stakeholders of the city.This vision places strong emphasis on the ultimate goal of the digital information system which is providing knowledge-citizens,engaged in a daily related decision process, with all the information needed to understand situations they will encounter to make choices - which is to say, to make decisions –to carry out their activities, capitalizing the knowledge produced in the course of performing these tasks.The use of high technology help to improve a better way of life in the city because citizens are more informed, connected and linked. Moreover,using Information and Communication Technology(ICT) is essential to create social inclusion, social communication, civil participation, higher education and information quality.Finally, it is important to note that if smart cities are too connected/linked, they can become ICTaddicts(Viitanen & Kingston, 2014). In that case, it is possible that, one day, some smart cities will be confronted to problems of cyber-security and/or resilience, such as in the new video game “Watch Dogs”(Ubisoft) in which the player is at the heart of a smart and hyper-connected city in which his smartphone gives him/her control of all infrastructures of the CTOs (Central Operating System - high performance system that connects infrastructures and facilities of public security of the city to a centralized exchange pole). The player can handle the traffic lights to create a huge pile or stop a train to board and escape the forces ... Everything that is connected to the network can become a weapon.Opportunities and challenges should be more related to knowledge in the smart city. Therefore, in the next section, we propose to adapt the concept of Enterprise’s Information and Knowledge System(EIKS) introduced by Grundstein & Rosenthal- Sabroux (2009) to smart cities to address challenges related to knowledge in the smart city.4. The Smart City’s Information and Knowledge SystemIn general, an information system “is a set ofelements interconnected which collect (or recover),process, store and disseminate information in order tosupport decision and process control” (Laudon &Laudon 2006). Grundstein & Rosenthal-Sabroux(2009) introduced the notion of knowledge into the information system and proposed the concept of Enterprise’s Information and Knowledge System(EIKS). In this section, by analogy, we propose our Smart City’s Information and Knowledge System(CIKS) where data and knowledge flow within.Under the influence of globalization and the impact of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) that modify radically our relationship with space and time, the city increasingly develops its activities in a planetary space with three dimensions:A global space covering the set of cities (the nation).A local space corresponding to the city located in a given geographic area.An area of influence that covers the field of interaction of the city with the other cities.The city locked up on its local borders is transformed into an extended city, without borders,opened and adaptable. The land is the territorial dimension of a city, with different levels. These levels range from the local dimension, to regional, network, national and finally the global dimension.Furthermore, this city is placed under the ascendancy of the unforeseeable environment that leads towards uncertainty and doubt.The city meets fundamental problems of information exchange and knowledge sharing among,on the one hand, its formal entities distributed in the world and on the other hand, the city's people(nomadic or sedentary), bearers of diversified values and cultures according to the origin. Two networks of information overlap:A formal information network between the internal or external entities, in which data and explicit knowledge circulate. This network is implemented by means of intranet and extranet technologies.An informal information network between nomadic or sedentary peoples. This network favors information exchange and tacit knowledge sharing. It is implemented through converging Information and Communication Technologies (for example the new IPOD with Web .The problems occur when nomadic people(tourists or students for example) placed in new,unknown or unexpected situations, need to get“active information”, that is, information and knowledge they need immediately to understand the situation, solve a problem, take a decision, and act.That means that ICT provide the information needed by people who are the heart of the city. By extension, our reflection is: ICT bear potentialities,they bring new uses, they induce a new organization,and they induce a new vision of city, what we call a “smart city”. And, ICT are the heart of the smart city.Building on this, a city can be seen as an information system and because of its hyperconnected nature, smart city can be seen as more than an information system: an information and knowledge system. In fact, the City’s Information and Knowledge System (CIKS) consists mainly in a set of individuals (people) and digital information systems. CIKS rests on a socio technical context,which consists of individuals (people) in interaction among them, with machines, and with the very CIKS. It includes:Digital Information Systems (DIS), which are artificial systems, the artefacts designed by ICT.An information system constituted by individuals who, in a given context, are processors of data to which they give a sense under the shape of information. This information, depending of the case, is passed on, remembered, treated, and diffused by them or by the DIS.A knowledge system, consisting of tacit knowledge embodied by the individuals, and of explicit knowledge formalized and codified on any shape of supports(documents, video, photo, digitized or not).Under certain conditions, digitized knowledge is susceptible to be memorized, processed and spread with the DIS.We must identify information and knowledge to a city’s activities and for individual and collective decision-making processes. The objective could be to design a Digital Information System (DIS) which would allow the city’s stakeholders to receive, to gain access to, and to share the greatest variety of information and knowledge they deem necessary, as rapidly as possible, in order to accelerate decisionmaking processes and to make them as reliable as possible.5. ConclusionThe city has evolved over time: it started with scattered houses, then these houses were grouped into cities, which were industrialized and mechanically connected to other cities and, now, we have hyper connected cities (with citizens who are connected,who need access to different information, and with cities that are connected to the rest of the world)(Kennedy, 2012).In this paper, we propose a conceptual vision of the smart city, based on knowledge. Knowledge can be: explicit knowledge (knowledge extracted from data which flows within the city) and/or tacit knowledge (that is, citizen’s knowledge). According to the previous works on the area of smart cities and knowledge management and the study of threats and opportunities of cities, one specific challenge appears(among some): knowledge must be integrated into the city. Thus, we introduce our Smart City’s Information and Knowledge System (CIKS) where data and knowledge flow within.The smart city is more than Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), and more thanpeople. It also has to do with knowledge (Kennedy,2012; Negre & Rosenthal-Sabroux, 2014).Our vision is an approach that takes into account people, information, knowledge and ICT. From our point of view, knowledge is a factor of competence in order to improve the “smartness”of the city and to handle the complexity of the cities (du, in part, to ICT).6. ReferencesAlAwadhi, S. & Scholl, H. J. (2013). “Aspirations andrealizations: the smart city of Seattle”. Paper presented at the 46th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Maui, HI, January 7-10.Almirall, E. & Wareham, J. (2008). “Living labs and openinnovation: Roles and applicability”. The ElectronicJournal for Virtual Organizations and Networks, 10(special issue): (2013). Smart cities. Barcelona: AMETIC. Anthopoulos, L. & Vakali, A. (2012). “Urban planning andsmart cities: Interrelations and reciprocities”. In F. Alvarezet al. (eds.). Future Internet Assembly 2012. From promisesto reality. New York: Springer (pp. 178-189). Batty, M. (2013). “Big data, smart cities and city planning”.Dialogues in Human Geography, November 2013 vol. 3no. 3 274-279Bettencourt, L. (2013). “Four simple principles to plan thebest city possible”. New Scientist, 18 (December):30-31.Caragliu, A., Del Bo, C. & Nijkamp, P. (2009). Smart citiesin Europe. Technical , C. (2013): “From open data to open innovationstrategies: Creating e-services using open governmentdata”. Paper presented at the 46th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Big Island (HI), , H. (2006).译文:基于知识理论角度的智慧城市作者：艾尔莎内格雷卡米尔·罗森塔尔摘要术语智慧城市是一个模糊的概念，没有很好地在理论研究亦或是在实证项目的定义。
History and Civilization of the City 城市规划方面英文论文(专业、雅思、托福等可用)
History and Civilization of the CityAs a saying goes, there are a thousand Hamlets in a thousand audience's eyes, undoubtedly, a city has a great number of images in citizens' minds because every city definitely has its long-standing history and splendid civilization just like every individual has its memory. If all of our cities abandon them in order to become what called the "modern city", which is more advanced than it before, citizens would have much less impression of the city's tradition. Is this good for our cities? I suppose not. It can be imagined that if Hamlet had monotonous character, audience would no longer like it. Consequently, in my opinion, a city should not abandon its traditional civilization when in the process of urbanization.There is a concept called "urbanization", which not only means modernizing the city, but also means making the rural area alter to city. Some people, however, give an additional meaning that abandoning the traditional culture to it. Maybe, as is known to them, when taking the tradition into consideration, it is no more a significant element to the modern city. Yet as far as I know, the traditional culture is crucial and fundamental fortune. When we are facing to various type of lure, the government should not lose itself and should protect the valuable treasure. For instance, Nanjing is a big city which owns over 2470 years of history, and Nanjing was the capital of many dynasties of ancient China. In the construction, the government reserves its quadruple castles and ancient bridges of the Ming Dynasty and lots of other historical sites. In addition, establishing ten protection zones such as Ming Palace and Confucius Temple is another brilliant method to prevent the traditional civilization from damaging during the process of modernization or urbanization. There is no doubt that the government attaches great importance to it in urban construction.Thus, on the one hand, the tradition of a city is definitely a significant element and fortune which we should consider and protect in urbanization. On the other hand, it also can benefit the development of the city even the whole country.History and culture are root and soul of the city, because when citizens know the history, they know the derivation of themselves, similarly, when they understand the culture of the city, they understand the spirit of it. Furthermore, the people from other area will be attracted. There are many instances we can learn from them, such as Pingyao, Lijiang, Wuzhen, etc. They are all famous ancient towns with less tall buildings and cars. Nevertheless, their long history and various cultures attract numerous tourists every year. Taking Pingyao for the example, about ten years ago, it had already attracted 1.5 million tourists as well as earned more than 200 million from them, it can be imagine that the number is much more tremendous today. As the same time, the native people not only remember themselves’ cultures but have more chances to work for hometown, and the government have fund to protect the ancient buildings, augment the planting or prevent the pollution rather than waste money to build excess similar modern buildings. As far as I am concerned, the developing of our city cannot be separated from the history and traditional culture.As a philosopher told us, to know the passed one thousand year is to better develop the next five hundred years of the future, no matter which type of city we want in the future, we should not forget the long history and abandon the splendid traditional civilization. After all, memorizing and inheriting is our responsibility.。
城市景观规划设计外文文献翻译
城市景观规划设计外文文献翻译(含：英文原文及中文译文)文献出处：Brooker L. Ecological planning in the urban landscape design [J]. Landscape & Urban Planning, 2013, 6(4):15-26.英文原文Ecological planning in the urban landscape designBrooker L1 City and The Landscape1.1 Overview of Landscape DesignLandscape design, first, is a people's thinking activity, performed as an art activity. Diversified thoughts formed complex diverse landscape art style. Contemporary landscape design apparently see is the diversity of the landscape forms, in fact its essence is to keep the closing up to the natural order system, reflected the more respect for human beings, more in-depth perspective of the nature of human's reality and need, not to try to conquer the nature. it is not even imitating natural, but produce a sense of belonging. Landscape is not only a phenomenon but the human visual scene. So the earliest landscape implication is actually city scene. Landscape design and creation is actually to build the city.1.2 The Relationship between Landscape and UrbanCity is a product of human social, economic and cultural development, and the most complex type. It is vulnerable to the artificialand natural environmental conditions of interference. In recent decades, with worldwide the acceleration of urbanization, the urban population intensive, heavy traffic, resource shortage, environment pollution and ecology deterioration has become the focus of attention of the human society. In the current environment condition in our country, the problem is very serious. And in some urban areas, the pollution has quite serious, and greatly influenced and restricts the sustainable development of the city.Landscape is the relationship between man and man, man and nature. This is, in fact, a kind of human living process. Living process is actually with the powers of nature and the interaction process, in order to obtain harmonious process. The landscape is the result of human life in order to survive and to adapt the natural. At the same time, the living process is also a process of establishing harmonious coexistence. Therefore, as a colony landscape, it is a stigma of the relationship between man and nature.2 The city landscape planning and design2.1 city landscape elementsThe urban landscape elements include natural landscape and artificial landscape. Among them, the natural landscape is mainly refers to the natural scenery, such as size hills, ancient and famous trees, stone, rivers, lakes, oceans, etc. Artificial landscape are the main cultural relics,cultural site, the botanical garden afforestation, art sketch, trade fairs, build structure, square, etc. These landscape elements must offer a lot of examples for creating high quality of the urban space environment. But for a unique urban landscape, you must put all sorts of landscape elements in the system organization, and create an orderly space form. 2.2 The urban landscape in the planningThe city is an organic whole, which is composed with material, economy, culture, and society. To improve the urban environment is a common voice. The key of the urban landscape design is to strengthen urban design ideas, strengthen urban design work. And blend urban design thought into the stages of urban planning. The overall urban planning in the city landscape planning is not to abandon the traditional garden, green space planning, but the extension and development of it. Both are no conflict, but also cannot be equal. In landscape planning of city planning, we should first analysis the urban landscape resources structure; fully exploit landscape elements which can reflect the characteristics of urban. Consider carefully for the formation of the system of urban landscape.3 Ecological planning and urban landscape3.1 The relationship of urban landscape and ecological planningLandscape ecology is a newly emerged cross discipline, the main research space pattern and ecological processes of interaction, its theme isthe fork the geography and ecology. It's with the whole landscape as the object, through the material flow, energy flow and information flowing the surface of the earth and value in transmission and exchange, through the biological and the biological and the interaction between human and transformation, the ecological system principle and system research methods of landscape structure and function.The dynamic change of landscape has interaction mechanism, the research of the landscape pattern, optimizing the structure, beautify the reasonable use and the protection, have very strong practicability. Urban ecological system is a natural, economic and social composite artificial ecosystem, it including life system, environment system, with a complex multi-level structure, can be in different approaches of human activity and the mutual relationship between the city and influence. Urban environment planning guidance and coordination as a macro department interests, optimizing the allocation of land resources city, reasonable urban space environment organization the important strategic deployment, must have ecological concept. Only to have the ecological view, to guide the construction of the city in the future to ecological city goal, to establish the harmonious living environment.3.2 landscape in the living environment of ecological effectLandscape as a unit of land by different inlaid with obvious visual characteristics of the geographic entities, with the economic, ecologicaland aesthetic value, the multiple value judgment is landscape planning and management foundation. Landscape planning and design always is to create a pleasant landscape as the center. The appropriate human nature can understand the landscape for more suitable for human survival, reflect ecological civilization living environment, including landscape, building economy, prudent sex ecological stability, environmental cleanliness, space crowded index, landscape beautiful degree of content, the current many places for residential area of green, static, beauty, Ann's requirement is the popular expression. Landscape also paid special attention to the spatial relationship landscape elements, such as shape and size, density and capacity, links, and partition, location and of sequence, as their content of material and natural resources as important as quality. As the urban landscape planning should pay attention to arrange the city space pattern, the relative concentration of the open space, the construction space to density alternate with; In artificial environment appeared to nature; Increase the visual landscape diversity; Protect the environment Mindanao and to promote green space system construction.3.3 The urban landscape and ecological planning and design of the fusion of each otherIt is accompanied by industrialization and after the arrival of the era of industrial and increasingly clear. Natural and cultural, design of the environment and life environment, beautiful form and ecologicalfunctions of real comprehensive fusion, the landscape is no longer a single city of specific land, but let the ablation, to thousands; It will let nature participate in design; Let the natural process with every one according to daily life; Let people to perception, experience and care the natural process and natural design.3.4 The city landscape ecological planning the humanized design"it is with the person this" design thought Contemporary landscape in meet purpose at the same time, more in-depth perspective on human of the nature of reality and needs. First performance for civilian design direction, application of natural organic materials and elastic curve form rich human life space. Next is the barrier-free design, namely no obstacle, not dangerous thing, no manipulation of the barrier design. Now there have been the elderly, the disabled, from the perspective of the social tendency, barrier-free design ideas began to gain popularity, at the same time for disadvantaged people to carry on the design also is human nature design to overall depth direction development trend. "It is with the person this" the service thoughts still behave in special attention to plant of bright color, smell good plant, pay attention to ZuoJu texture and the intensity of the light. The detail processing of considerate more expression of the concern, such as the only step to shop often caused visual ignored and cause staggered, in order to avoid this kind of circumstance happening, contemporary landscape sites do not be allowedunder 3 steps; And as some residential area and square in the bush set mop pool, convenient the district's hygiene and wastewater recycling water. "It is with the person this" the service thoughts in many ways showed, the measure of the standard is human love.Human landscape design concept is human landscape design is to point to in landscape design activity, pay attention to human needs, in view of the user to the environment of the landscape of a need to spread design, which satisfied the user "physiological and psychological, physical and mental" multi-level needs, embodies the "people-oriented" design thought. Urban public space human landscape design, from the following four aspects to understand: physical level of care. Human landscape design with functional and the rationality of design into premise condition, pay attention to the physical space reasonable layout and effective use of the function. Public space design should not only make people's psychology and physiology feels comfortable, still should configuration of facilities to meet people's complex activities demand.Club will level of care. Emphasizes the concern of human survival environment, the design in the area under the background of urban ecological overall planning and design, to make the resources, energy rationally and effectively using, to achieve the natural, social and economic benefits of the unity of the three. to a crowd of segmentation close care. Advocate barrier-free design, and try to meet the needs ofdifferent people use, and to ensure that the group of mutual influence between activities, let children, old people, disabled people can enjoy outdoor public the fun of life.4 The design of the sustainable developmentSustainable development principle, it is the ecology point of view, to the city system analysis, and with the minimum the minimal resource consumption to satisfy the requirements of the human, and maintain the harmony of human and the natural environment, guarantee the city several composition system-to protect natural evolution process of open space system and the urban development system balance. People are to landscape 'understanding of the contemporary landscape design and the function to reflect, have been completely out of the traditional gardening activities, the concept of landscape art value unconsciously and ecological value, the function value, cultural value happened relationship, landscape art category than before more pointed to the human is closely linked with the various aspects, become more profound and science. Contemporary landscape also actively use new technology to improve the ecological value. Such as the use of solar energy for square garden, lighting and sound box equipment supply electricity; The surface water "cycle" design concept, collecting rainwater for irrigation and waterscape provides the main resources; Using the principle of the construction of the footway, buoys that environmental protection level a kiss andinteresting. Natural change" landscape humanized waterscape design, avoid the manual water scene is the difficulty of the later-period management, but in the water since the net, purifying environment and promote biodiversity play a huge role. Therefore, to experience the landscape will surely is contained to nature and the tradition, to human compatibility.中文译文城市景观设计中的生态规划Brooker L1城市和景观1.1景观设计概述景观设计首先是一种人们的思维活动，作为一种艺术活动来进行。