河海大学研究生英语一 Unit 24 The Cultural Patterning of Time

河海大学研究生英语一 Unit 24   The Cultural Patterning of Time
河海大学研究生英语一 Unit 24   The Cultural Patterning of Time

Unit 24 The Cultural Patterning of Time In his book The Silent language, anthropologist Edawad Hall theorizes that perceptions of time and space are different in different culture and that these perception are culturally patterned. Hall called these dimensions of culture "out of awareness",because people are not conscious of having learned them. It may well be ture that most important aspects of culture,such as our perceptions of physical environment of our food tastes,are learned "out of awareness". And certianly our perceptions of time and space are among the most deeply instilled of our cultural values. For example ,menbers of modern, industrializes Western societies are conditioned to view time space and matter in Newtonian terms. Sir Isaac Newton,the seventeenth-century English scientist ,teansformed mathematics and science to such an extent that even though we may not be able to list or axplain his discoveries ,we are influenced them. Newton formulated several laws of motion that are basic to the Western's understanding of the universe, continues at rest or in uniform motion in a straight line unless it is compelled to change that state by other forces acting upon it . This notion also underlies the concept of time in Western culture,and to Westerners it appears that it should be an intuitive concept of time shered by all people everywhere,But as anthropologists have demonstrated through their studies of other cultures,these Newtonian "laws" are not universal. They are instilled by a specific culture,thought system,and language.

在著作《无声的语言》中,人类学家爱德华霍尔的理论认为不同文化观念的人对时间和空间的看法是不同的。霍尔将这些维度的文化称为“无意识”,因为人们在学习他们的时候是潜移默化的。很可能文化真正的最重要的方面,比如我对食物的味道的生理认知,也来自于“无意识”。我们对时间和空间的看法深深来自我们文化价值观的灌输。例如,现代工业化西方社会的成员习惯于从牛顿的时空物质观来看待世界。17 世纪的英国科学家艾萨克·牛顿爵士将数学和科学发展到如此程度,即使我们可能无法罗列或者解释他的发现,我们也深受其影响。牛顿制定了几个基本的西方人理解宇宙的运动定律,即物体会继续静止或匀速直线运动,除非它因为其他力被迫改变这一状态。这个概念也成了西方文化中时间概念的根基。西方人认为这种时间概念应该被所有地方的所有人所接受。但人类学家已经通过对其他文化的研究认识到这些牛顿“法则”并不是普遍的。他们被一个特定的文化、思想体系和语言所灌输。

"Time is human ,nature knows only change. "In fact ,"telling time"is a strictly human invention. All cultures have some system of measuring duration, or keeping time, but in western industrialized societies, we keep track of time in what seems to other peoples almost an obsessive fashion. We view time as motion on a space, a kind of linear progression measured by the clock and the calendar. Our sense of time leads us to imagine it as a ribbon or a scroll marked off into equal blank spaces,suggesting that each of these spaces can be filled with an entry. This perception contributes to our sense of history and the keeping of records, which are typical aspects of western cultures. In Western industrialized societies,records,annals,diaries,and accouting ledgers play an important role ,We are fascinated by the sequenceing dating ,charting ,and measuring pieces of time. We calculate bot only the seasons but

also the years ,months, weeks,days, hours,minutes,seconds,and even thousandths of seconds. We find it useful to divide the past into named periods such as "the Renaissance" or "the classical age". And our linguistic treatment of time has guided many other aspects of our lives. For example,literature is taught in school by being divided into periods——or framed time slots——rather than by being treated in a thematic fashion that cuts across time boundaries.

“时间是一个人,自然只知道改变。”事实上,“告知时间”严格上来讲是人类的一种创造。所有的文化中都有测量时间或者保存时间的系统,但在西方工业化国家,我们以别人看来几乎是一种令人痴迷的时尚的态度来跟踪时间。我们把时间看作是空间上的移动,一种由时钟和日历衡量的线性增加。我们对时间的感觉引导我们把它想象成一条划分有等间隔空间的缎带或卷轴,告诉我们这些这些空间是可以用条目来填充的。这种感觉有助于我们的历史感和做好记录,这些是西方文化的典型方面。在西方工业化社会,记录、编年史、日记和账目扮演着非常重要的角色。我们沉迷于记录,图画和测量时间的片段。我们不仅仅通过季节,也通过年、月、周、日、小时、分钟、秒甚至是微秒来计算进度。我们发现将过去的时间命名为“文艺复兴”或者“古典时代”这样的有名字的时间段是很有用的。我们对时间的口头描述也会影响我们生活的其他方面。例如,学校的文学教育是按照时间段来分的——或者是按照时间周期来分的——而不是以跨越时间段的专题的方式对待的。

Although our perceptions of time seem natural to us, we must not assume that other cultures operate on the same time system. For instance, why should we assume that a Hopi raised in the Hopi culture would have the same intuitions about time that we have? In Hopi history, if records had been written, we would find a different set of cultural and environmental influences working together. The Hopi people are a peaceful agricultural society isolated by geographic features and nomad enemies in a land of little rainfall. Their agriculture is successful only by the greatest perseverance. Extensive preparations are needed to ensure crop growth. Thus the Hopi value persistence and repetition in activity. They have a sense of the cumulative value of numerous, small, repeated movements, for to them such movements are not wasted but are stored up to make changes in later events. The Hopi have no intuition of time as motion, as a smooth flowing line on which everything in the universe proceeds at an equal rate away from a past, through a present, into a foreseeable future. Long and careful study of the Hopi language has revealed that it contains no words, grammatical forms, constructions, or expressions that refer to what we call time - the past, present, or future - or to the duration or lasting aspect of time. To the Hopi, "time" is a "getting later" of everything that has been done, so that past and present merge together. The Hopi do not speak, as we do in English, of a "new day" or "another day" coming every twenty-four hours; among the Hopi, the return of the day is like the return of a person, a little older but with all the characteristics of yesterday. This Hopi conception, with its emphasis on the repetitive aspect of time rather than its onward flow, may be clearly seen in their ritual dances for rain and good crops, in which the basic step is a short, quick stamping of the foot repeated thousands of times, hour after hour.

虽然我们的时间观念对我们来说是很自然的,我们不能假定其他文化和我们基于同样的时间系统。例如,为什么我们要假设在霍皮语文化下成长的霍皮人和我们有相同的时间观念?如果记录被写在霍皮人的历史上,我们会发现一组完全不同的文化和环境影响一同运作。霍皮人生活在和平的农业社会,因为孤立的地理特性和游牧的敌人在少雨的土地被孤立。他们只有靠不懈的努力才能获得农业上的成功。他们需要大量的准备工作来确保作物生长。因此,霍皮人重视活动的持久性和重复性。他们对大量的、小的、重复的活动的累计价值有很强的感觉,对他们而言这些活动不是浪费时间而是为了以后的改变做好储备。霍皮人没有对时间运动的直觉,就好像一个光滑的流线。在这根流线上宇宙万物从过去,通过现在,到可见的未来以相同的速率越来越远。对霍皮人语言的长久和仔细的研究反映,这种语言没有单词、语法、结构或者表达指代我们所称的时间—过去,现在,或者是将来—或者指代时间持续的时间。对霍皮人而言,“时间”是所有做完事情的“后面”,所以过去和现在混合在一起。霍皮人不会讲我们英语中每24 个小时会来临的“新的一天”或者“另一天”;在霍皮人眼中,一天的来临就像是一个人的回归,有点老但保留昨天所有的特点。霍皮人的这种观念,强调时间的重复性而不是向前流动性,可以在他们祈雨和丰收的舞蹈中清楚看到,它的基本舞步是不断重复、持续不断的短、快的踮脚。

Of course, the American conception of time is significantly different from that of the Hopi. Americans' understanding of time is typical of Western cultures in general and industrialized societies in particular. Americans view time as a commodity, as a "thing" that can be saved, spent, or wasted. We budget our time as we budget our money. We even say, "Time is money. " We are concerned in America with being "on time"; we don't like to "waste" time by waiting for someone who is late or by repeating information; and we like to "spend" time wisely by keeping busy. These statements all sound natural to a North American. In fact, we think, how could it be otherwise? It is difficult for us not to be irritated by the apparent carelessness about time in other cultures. For example, individuals in other countries frequently turn up an hour or more late for an appointment - although "being late" is at least within our cultural framework. For instance, how can we begin to enter the cultural world of the Sioux, in which there is no word for "late" or "waiting. " Of course, the fact is that we have not had to enter the Sioux culture; the Sioux have had to enter ours. It is only when we participate in other cultures on their terms that we can begin to see the cultural patterning of time.

当然,美国的时间概念明显不同于霍皮人。美国人对时间的理解是一种典型的西方文化,特别是工业化社会的西方文化。美国人认为时间是一种商品,是一种可以保存、花或者浪费的“东西”。我们像预算我们的钱一样预算我们的时间。我们甚至说:“时间就是金钱。”在美国我们会关心做到“准时”;我们不喜欢因为等待迟到的人或者因为重复的信息“浪费”时间;我们喜欢通过保持忙碌来合理的“花”时间。这些语句在北美听起来是很自然的。事实上,我们认为,否则会是如何呢?在其他文化环境下,我们很难因为对方明显没有时间观念而不被激怒。例如,其他国家的人经常出现一个小时或超过一个小时的约会迟到——尽管“迟到”至少是在我们的文化框架内的。例如,我们如何开始进入没有“迟到”或者“等待”的苏族文化?当然,事实上,我们并不是一定要进入苏族文化;但

苏族不得不进入我们的文化。只有当我们参与其他文化的时候,我们才开始看到时间的文化观念。

Americans have a sence of time that is oriented toward the future, not an infinitely extending future,but the foreseeable future. We look back at the past only to measure how far we have come in the present , and we look at the present as a stepping stone to foreseeable future accomplishments. We project ourselves into the future b producing calendars,programs,schedules,and budgets for upcoming periods of time . Other cultures do not share such a future orientation. Navajos, for instance,look skeptically at the promise of benefits in even the foreseeable future; whereas the future among Hindus is conceived of in terms of more than a lifetime ,as extending infinitely through many rebirths and lifetimes.

美国人有一种面向未来的时间观念,不是一个无限延伸的未来,而是可预见的未来。我们回顾过去只测量我们已经走了多远,我们只是把现在看作在可见的未来取得成功的垫脚石。我们通过制定日历,计划,时间表和预算将自己投射到未来。其他文化不会采用这样一个未来取向。例如,纳瓦霍人怀疑地看待福利的承诺,即使在可预见的未来;而未来在印度教徒看来不仅仅是今世今生,是一种无限扩展的轮回。

Just as other cultures' concepts of time may irritate Americans when we come up against them in our activities,so our concept of time may evoke amusement or even disdain from people in other cultures. For example , many foreigners must have been puzzled by an article in the New York Time business section that desctibed a man who defined himself as a "time consultant". This expret suggested that one way to use time more efficiently was to program the subconscious to consider a plan of action for the following day while falling asleep. In this way , he said,one's sleeping time would be well spend , not wasted. Such a notion is considered perfectly rational in the American business community. But in an agricultural community,where one cannot control the elements governing corp growth,or in a nonindustrialized nation,where the speed of walking animal or human hand controls production,such a perception of time would be valueless,With these different ,culturally patterned views of time that exist all over the world,it is no wonder some American businesspeople come into conflict with businesspeople from other cultures, wher sociability in more important than using every minute of one's time for business.

就像当我们在生活中和其他文化中时间概念相冲突时,它们可能会激怒美国人一样,我们的时间观念同样可能引起其他文化中的人的嘲笑甚至蔑视。例如,许多外国人一定会对《纽约时报》商业版面上的一篇将自己定义为一个“时间顾问”的文章感到难以理解。这位专家建议在每天入睡前在潜意识中为明天的行动做好规划,这能有效的提高时间利用的效率。他说通过这种方式,一个人的睡眠时间可以得到更有效的利用,不会被浪费。这种观念在美国商业社会会被认为是完全理性的。但在一个无法控制庄稼生长的因素的农业社会,或者在一个由牲畜的行走速度和人类手工的速度控制生产的的未工业化国家,这种时间观念是没有价值的。因为这些不同,受文化影响的时间观念存在于世界各地,所以一些美国商人和其他地区的比起利用好每一分钟更看重人际关系的商人产生冲突也就不奇怪了。

河海大学研究生英语课文及翻译(重点单词突出显示)unit8isaraceofrobotspossib

A good many technical people become irate when you call a computer a giant brain.They insist t hat a computer does only what thinking humans have planned to have it do.假如你把计算机称为巨人脑,许多技术人员会感到气愤。他们坚持认为,计算机只不过是做有思维的人类安排它做的事情罢了 Yet one authority states categorically,"A machine can handle information;it can calculate,conclu de,and choose;it can perform reasonable operations with information.A machine,therefore,ca n think.Famed mathematician Norbert Wiener,of MIT,envisions a machine that can learn and wi ll"in no way be obliged to make such decisions as we should have made,or will be acceptable to us."Evidently,he thinks machines can think.不过,一位权威人士明确地说:“机器能处理信息,能进行计算、做出决定和选择,能利用信息从事各种合理的工作,因此,机器能够思维。”麻省理工学院著名的数学家诺伯特·威纳做出展望认为,机器能学习,它“决不会被迫做出我们必须作的决定,或是迎合我们。”显然,他认为机器能够思维 There is a popular anecdote about a computer programmer who,just for a lark,spent days settin g up the machine to destroy itself,then watched delightedly as the computer dutifully proceeded to commit suicide.If that machine could have thought,would it not have circumvented him?一个有关一位计算机程序设计员的轶事广为流传。这位程序设计员只是为了取乐,花了几天的时间,装了一台毁灭机器自身的机器,然后兴高采烈地观看这台计算机忠实地自杀,那台计算机假如能够思维的话,难道不会用谋略去战胜他吗 To me the controversy boils down to a definition of the word think.There is no area in physiology that is less understood than the human brain.Practically all that is known is that the brain contai ns some ten billion tiny cells called neurons.对我来说,这场争论归根结底就是对“思维”一词如何下定义。从生理学的角度看,没有哪个领域比人脑了解得更少的了。实际上我们所知道的只是大脑约含有100亿个称为神经原的微小细胞 Apparently neurons are elementary memory units,capable of storing the same kind of informatio n"bits"that a machine can store.The completely materialistic view is that neurons,along with an extraordinary network of nerve-communication lines,comprise all that is to the brain.But such a n explanation fails to account for how the brain originates thought.很显然,神经原是基本的记忆单位,能储存的信息“块”种类与机器是相等的。彻底唯物的观点是,大脑是由神经原与一个特殊的神经通讯网共同组成的。但这一解释并没有说明大脑是如何产生思维的Probably the clearest differentiation between man and machine is a quantitative one.The brain h as roughly a million times as many components as the best computer.On the other hand,the diff erence may lie in a spiritual factor,embraced by religion.At any rate,a machine cannot exercise f ree will or originate anything-not yet.Whether it ever will is still an open argument.人和机器之间最明显的区别大概是量的不同。人脑的组成元件大约是最好的计算机的100万倍。从另一个方面来说,区别也许在于宗教所能接受的某精神因素。不管怎样,机器不能行使自由意志或创造任何东西——现在还不能。将来是否可以尚存争议 Computers can already do a lot of surprising things,which include predicting the weather.The m achine is able to make forecasts by assimilating vast quantities of data,but this,as well as most of the other tasks now performed by the thinking machines,is routine,requiring thinking of a very l ow order.Let us see what happens when we go beyond this step.计算机已经能做许多令人吃惊的事,其中包括预报天气。它可以接收大量的数据、并以此做出预报,但与思维机器现在所完成的大多数别的工作一样,这只是它的日常工作,只需要低思维层次。我们跨越这一步后,再看看会出现什么情况吧 A great many outstanding men are preoccupied with computers that do nonnumerical work:that

2015年 河海大学研究生英语一 Unit 11 The Iks

Unit 11 The Iks The small tribe of Iks, formerly nomadic hunters and gatherers in the mountain valleys of northern Uganda, have become celebrities, literary symbols for the ultimate fate of disheartened, heartless mankind at large. Two disastrously conclusive things happened to them: the government decided to have a national park, so they were compelled by law to give up hunting in the valleys and become farmers on poor hillside soil, and then they were visited for two years by an anthropologist who detested them and wrote a book about them. 小部落伊克人,曾经在乌干达北部山谷里过着狩猎和采集的游牧民族生活,已变成名人,总体来说,成了最终命运沮丧的、无情的人的人文象征。两件具有灾难性、决定性意义的事情发生在他们身上。政府决定建一座国家公园,所以他们依法被迫放弃在山谷里的狩猎生活,而变成贫瘠的山坡地里的农民。之后,一个憎恶他们的人类学家访问了他们两年,并写了一本关于他们的书。 The message of the book is that the Iks have transformed themselves into an irreversibly disagreeable collection of unattached, brutish creatures, totally selfish and loveless, in response to the dismantling of their traditional culture. Moreover, this is what the rest of us are like in our inner selves, and we will all turn into Iks when the structure of our society comes all unhinged. 书的主旨是说,伊克人已经将自己变成了无药可救的不友善的人渣,是独立的、野兽般的生物,完全的自私无情。这是对他们分崩离析的传统文化所做出的反应。此外,这也是我们内在本性的模样。当我们的社会结构全部瓦解时,我们都将变成伊克人。 The argument rests, of course, on certain assumptions about the core of human beings, and is necessarily speculative. You have to agree in advance that man is fundamentally a bad lot , out for himself alone , displaying such graces as affection and compassion only as learned habits . If you take this view, the story of the Iks can be used to confirm it. These people seem to be living together, clustered in small, dense villages, but they are really solitary, unrelated individuals with no evident use for each other. They talk, but only to make ill-tempered demands and cold refusals. They share nothing. They never sing. They turn the children out to forage as soon as they can walk, and desert the elders to starve whenever they can, and the foraging children snatch food from the mouths of the helpless elders. It is a mean society. 论点当然是建立在对人性的必要的推测性假设的基础上。首先,你得同意人性本恶,所表现出的喜爱和同情的优雅,仅仅是学到的习性,并非与生俱来。如果你持此观点,伊克人的故事就可以用来佐证。这些人表面上生活在一起,群居在小而密集的村庄,但是他们真的是独立的、没有关联的、对别人毫无明显作用的个人。他们聊天,但仅仅是提出坏脾气的要求,做出冷漠的拒绝。他们毫无分享,从不唱歌。他们将刚会走路的孩子赶出去寻找食物,将老人抛弃任由其饿死。觅食的孩子从无助的老者嘴下抢夺食物。这是个卑鄙自私的社会。 They breed without love or even casual regard. They defecate on each other’s doorsteps. They watch their neighbors for signs of misfortune, and only then do they laugh. In the book they do a lot of laughing, having so much bad luck. Several times they even laughed at the anthropologist, who found this especially repellent (one

2015年河海大学研究生英语一Unit1GhostsforTea(精)

Unit 1 Ghosts for T ea ' Ten pence for a view over the bay' . said the old man with the telescope. 'Lovely clear morning. Have a look at the old lighthouse and the remains of the great shipwreck of 1935.' “十便士看海湾风光。”那个带着望远镜的老头说道。 “多么晴朗美丽的早晨。来看看那古老的灯塔和1935年大海难的遗迹吧!” Ten pence was sheer robbery, but the view was certainly magnificent. 十便士是纯粹的抢劫,可是海湾的景色确实壮丽。 Cliffs stretched into the distance, sparkling waves whipped by the wind were unr olling on to the beach, and a few yachts, with creamy-white sails, were curving and do dging gracefully on the sea . Just below, a flock of seagulls were screaming at one ano ther as they twisted and glided over the water. A mile out to sea, the old lighthouse sto od on a stone platform on the rocks, which were being greedily licked by the waves. In no way indeed did I grudge my money. As I directed the telescope towards the light house, the man beside me tapped my wrist. 峭壁伸展向远处,海风激起的波浪闪耀着铺展在沙滩上,海面上几艘游艇伴着乳白色风帆优雅地弯成弧形避开。天空下方,一群海鸥在一只只的叫唤着,侧身滑过水面。离岸一英里处,在海浪贪婪地拍打的岩石上,那座古老的灯塔矗立在一石头平台上。的确我决不会吝惜钱。当我把望远镜对准灯塔时,我身旁的那个老头拍了拍我的手腕。 ' Have you heard about the terrible tragedy that occurred there in that lighthouse? ' he asked in a hushed whisper.

河海大学研究生英语课文及翻译(重点单词突出显示,)Unit 4 Explicit and Implicit Moral Education

Imagine a guardsman, from the moment he falls in on parade in the morning until the moment th e parade is dismissed, every conscious action he makes is predetermined and controlled. If inadv ertently he does something that is not in the schedule, such as drop his rifle, he has to cover up t he accident by pretending to faint. To do anything other than conform might show originality and inventiveness, but from the point of view of military ethos(风气,社会思潮) would be immoral. 想象一下,一个卫士,从他早上在阅兵仪式的那一刻起直到游行解解散的那一刻,他的每一个有意识的动作都是受预定和控制的。如果他无意间做了什么计划外的事情,比如像掉了他的步枪,他不得不假装晕倒来掩盖事故。做除了承认以外的任何事情都可以展示出独创性和创造性,但是从军事风气的角度来看可能是不道德的。 That is an example of a thorough-going explicit moral system. In it actions are rigidly divided into right ones and wrong ones, permitted ones and non-permitted ones, and everyone involved acce pts this without question; and to train a participant in such a system is an explicit matter, and the simplest form of behaviour training, provided the learners acknowledge the teacher as an unques tionable authority who knows exactly what moral behaviour is. 这是一个彻底的显性道德体系的例子。它的行动被严格分为正确的和错误的,允许的和不准许的,并且体系内的人接受这个没有问题,并且培养在这样的系统中的参与者是一个明确的事情,,最简单的行为训练的形式,倘若学习者承认教师作为一个不容置疑的权威,明确分辨道德行为与否。Consider the same guardsman in the evening, in a tavern with a girl. His behaviour is not so rigor ously controlled, and he has many choices of action, many decisions to make. In that case, all sort s of pressures are influencing his choice of actions. What his peer group does, what is the custom at the moment in that area, what he thinks the girlfriend will accept or expect, maybe the sort of lifestyle he has seen displayed in television plays, the things he has read about in the papers, thes e are all contributing to his decisions. He has not been instructed explicitly, as in the morning, but he has had a much more diffuse implicit training in behaviour, derived from many sources.考虑同样的卫士,在晚上,同一个女孩在一个小酒馆。他的行为是不那么严格的受控制,他的行动有很多选择,很多决定去下。在这种情况下,各种压力都会影响他的行动选择。他的同龄人做的,此刻在此方面的习惯,他认为的这个女性朋友会接受或者拒绝的,或者他在电视上看到的生活方式,书上读到的故事,这些都有助于他的决定。同早上比,他没有被明确指示,但是他有一个更加扩散的隐性训练行为,来自多种来源。 These, then, are the two forms of education available to those who wish to influence others' mor als - the explicit instruction and the implicit influence of surrounding behaviour. Which do we use with school pupils, or do we perhaps need to make use of each at different times? Above, in desc ribing the morning parade morals of the guardsman, it was pointed out that explicit instruction d epended on the learner's acceptance of the authority of the instructor. Without that acceptance t he system breaks down. While to the same guardsman in the evening, in a tavern with a girl, such explicit moral exhortation would probably have little effect, because the speaker is not regarded as an authority, but rather as a crank. This illustrates the impossibility of having explicit moral edu cation unless all concerned have agreed on the fundamental principles, and on who has the right to expound them and say how they apply in practice. Where you have a society or an organizatio n in which such accord is possible, then behaviour is determined and can be the subject of explici t instruction.那么,明确的指导和周围环境的隐性影响是两种有效的教育模式对那些想要影响他人道德的人来说。我们用哪一种当面对学校学生是,或在不同时刻我们用每一个。上面,在描述上午游行的卫兵的道德时,指出显性指导依赖于学习者对指导者权威的承认。如果不承认系统就崩溃了。而相同的卫兵在晚上,在酒2013年ACCA/CAT考试全攻略每日一练历年

河海大学研究生英语课文及翻译(重点单词突出显示,特殊单词有注释)Unit 1 Ghosts for Tea

' Ten pence for a view over the bay' . said the old man with the telescope. 'Lovely clear morning. Have a look at the old lighthouse and the remains of the great shipwreck o f 1935.' 十便士看一次海湾风光,”那个带着一架望远镜的老头说道:“多么晴朗美丽的早晨。请来看看那古老的灯塔和1935年失事的大轮船残骸吧。” Ten pence was sheer robbery, but the view was certainly magnificent. 要十便士简直是敲诈勒索,可是海湾的景色确实壮丽。 Cliffs stretched into the distance, sparkling waves whipped by the wind were unrolling on to the b each, and a few yachts, with creamy-white sails, were curving and dodging gracefully on the sea . Just below, a flock of seagulls were screaming at one another as they twisted and glided over the water. A mile out to sea, the old lighthouse stood on a stone platform on the rocks, which were b eing greedily licked by the waves. In no way indeed did I grudge my money. As I directed the teles cope towards the lighthouse, the man beside me tapped my wrist. 峭壁向远方伸展,海风激起的阵阵波浪泛着白花,冲上海滩。海面上几艘游艇张着乳白色的风帆优雅地避开浪头蜿蜓前进。山崖下面,一群海鸥相互叫唤着,在海面上盘旋飞翔。离岸一英里处,在海浪贪婪地吮舔着的岩岸上,那座古老的灯塔矗立在一座石头平台上。说实话,我毫不吝惜那几个钱。当我把望远镜转朝灯塔时,站在我身旁的那个老头拍了拍我的手腕。' Have you heard about the terrible tragedy that occurred there in that lighthouse?' he asked in a hushed whisper. 'I imagine there may be plenty of legends attached to such a dramatic-looking place' , I suggested . “您听过在那座灯塔里发生的一起骇人听闻的惨案吗?”他压低了嗓声对我说。“我想这个地方看起来非常富有戏剧性,有关它的传说一定不少,”我说。 'It's no legend' , declared the old man.'My father knew the two men involved. It all took place fift y years ago to-day. Let me tell you. His voice seemed to grow deeper and more dramatic. “这可不是传说,”那老头郑重其事地说。“我父亲认识那起惨案的两个当事人。一切都发生在50年前的今天。让我说给您听听吧。” 他的声音似乎变得更低沉、更富有戏剧性了。 'For a whole week that lighthouse had been isolated by storms' , he began, 'with terrifying seas s urging and crashing over the rocks. People on shore were anxious about the two men working th ere. They'd been on the best of terms until two or three weeks before, when they had quarrelled over cards in the village inn. Martin had accused Blake of cheating. Blake had vowed to avenge th e insult to his honour. But thanks to the wise advice of a man they both respected, they apologise d to each other, and soon seemed to have got over their disagreement. But some slight resentme nt and bitterness remained. and it was feared that the strain of continued isolation and rough we ather might affect their nerves, though, needless to say, their friends had no idea how serious the consequences would be. “整整一个礼拜,风暴困住了那座灯塔,”他开始说。 “咆啸的大海波涛汹涌,海浪拍打着岩石,轰然作响。岸上的人们十分担心在那儿工作的两个人。他们俩是多年的挚友,但在两三个礼拜前,他们在乡村酒店里玩牌时吵了一架。马丁指责布莱克打牌时耍赖,布莱克则发誓要对侮辱他人格的不实之辞进行报复。多亏一位他们俩都尊敬的人好言相劝,他们才互相道了歉,并以乎很快地结束了他们之间的不快。不过各自心里还有些怨恨。因此,人们担心长时间与世隔绝所造成的极度紧张和恶劣的天气会使

2015年--河海大学研究生英语一-Unit-16---The-Role-of-Science-Fiction

2015年--河海大学研究生英语一 -Unit-16---The-Role-of-Scie nce-Fiction

Unit 16 The Role of Science Fiction The year 1972 was marked by this publication of a controversial book. The Limits to Growth. This study of the world’s future, done by a team of MIT scientists with the aid of computer “models” of the future of our society, forecast a planetwide disaster unless humankind sharply limits its population growth and consumption of natural resources. 1972年为世人所瞩目的一件事就是出版了一本颇有争议的书——《增长的极限》。这一有关世界前景的研究,是由麻省理工学院一组科学家借助模拟未来社会的电脑“模型”进行的,预言了人类若不大幅度限制人口增长和自然资源消耗,就会出现全球性的灾难。 Most people were caught by surprise when the book came out. Many refused to believe that disaster is possible, probable, inevitable---if we don’t change our mode of running Spaceship Earth. But science fiction people were neither surprised nor outraged. The study was really old news to them. They’d been making their own “models” of tomorrow and testing them all their lives. 该书问世时大多数人吃了一惊。许多人拒绝相信存在发生灾难的可能性、盖然性、必然性——倘使我们不改变对“地球飞船”的管理方式的话。但科幻小说家及其读者却既不惊讶,也不愤慨。事实上,这项研究对他们来说已不是什么新鲜事了。他们毕生都在制作自己的未来世界“模型”,并付诸试验。 For what the scientists attempted with their computer model is very much like the thing that science fiction writers and readers have been doing for decades. Instead of using a computer to “model” a future world society, science fiction writers have used their human imaginations. This gives the writers some enormous advantages. 因为科学家们试图用电脑模型实现的事与科幻小说作家及其读者数十年来所做的非常相象。科幻小说作家并不依靠电脑来“模拟”一个未来世界,而是凭借人类的想象力。这给了作家某些极为有利的条件。 One of the advantages is flexibility. 有利条件之一就是灵活性。 Science fiction writers are not in the business of predicting the future. They do something much more important. They try to show the many possible futures that lie open to us. 科幻小说作家的职责不在预言未来,他们做的比这重要得多。他们试图展现许多可能出现在我们面前的前景。 For there is not simply a future, a time to come that’s inevitable. Our future is built, bit by bit, minute by minute, by the actions of human beings. One vital role of science fiction is to show what kinds of future might result from certain kinds of human actions. 因为并非只有一种前途,一种时代会不可避免地降临人间。我们的未来世界是由人类用自身的行动一点一滴地、一分一秒地创造起来的。科幻小说的一个重要作用,便是揭示人类某几种行为的结果会形成哪几种未来世界。 To communicate the ideas, the fears and feel of all infinite possible futures, science fiction writers lean heavily on another of their advantages: the art of

河海大学研究生英语教程翻译(Unit11-20)

Unit 11 The Iks Iks 小部落从前是游牧的猎人,聚居在乌干达北部的山谷中,现在这个部落变得很有名,整体上是灰心沮丧的,残忍冷酷的人类的终极命运的文学象征。两件确实是灾难的事发生在他们身上:政府决定拥有一个国家公园,所以他们被法律迫使放弃山谷中的打猎生活,在贫瘠的山坡的土壤上变成农民,然后一个讨厌他们,研究他们两年的人类学家写了一本关于他们的书。 这本书的主题是:由于传统文化的废除,IKs变成一群彼此毫无关系,残酷无情,而又绝对令人讨厌的人,他们完全的自私和冷酷。此外,这些特征正像我们内心的自己,当我们的社会结构完全错乱时,我们也将全部变成Iks。 这篇论文依据某种关于人类本质的设想,这种设想必然是推测而来的。你不得不预先同意人类从本质上讲是坏的,完全为了他自己,展现出来的例如爱和同情这样的美德仅仅是后天学到的习惯。如果你采纳这个观点,Iks人的故事便可以证实它。这些人似乎是一直生活在一起,聚居在拥挤的小村庄,但是他们都是一群真正的独居的无关联的个体,彼此间没有明显的好处。他们说话,但是只是做一些坏脾气的要求和冷漠的拒绝。他们不分享。他们从不唱歌。他们的孩子一能走路就被打发出去寻找食物,只要有可能他们便抛弃那些老人,使他们饿死,那些寻找食物的孩子从无助的老人口中抢夺食物。它是一个不友好的社会。 他们养育子女,但是不是出于爱,甚至也不是出于偶尔的关心。他们在彼此的台阶上随地大小便。他们观察他们的邻居,以等待不幸的降临,而且只有那时他们才大笑。在书中,他们经常笑,因为有太多厄运。好几次,他们甚至嘲笑人类学家,使人类学家发现这种嘲笑尤其令人反感(读者在字里行间发现,学者本身不是这世界上最幸运的人)。更糟糕的是,他们把他带到家中,抢夺他的食物,在他的台阶上大小便,并且呵斥人类学家。他们给他糟糕的两年。 它是一本令人沮丧的书。如果,正像他建议的那样,在我们每个人的心中只有IK人的特性,我们唯一的维系人性的希望,将是不断地修补我们社会的结构,然而我们的社会结构变得如此之快,如此之完全,以至于我们不能及时找到修补社会的方法。同时,让我们独自一个人相处,我们也会变得同样没有快乐,没有激情,没有同情心的孤独的动物。 但是这个观点也许太狭隘。首先,IKs人如此的不寻常,事实上,他们绝对令人震惊。人类学家从没有在其他任何地方见过这样的人,我也是。你们也许该想想,如果他们完全能代表人类的共性,那么他们似乎更加容易被辨认出来。然而,他们既稀奇古怪又非同寻常。我也知道一些古怪、执拗、神经质、自私的人,但是在我一生中,我从没有遇到真正的一直令人厌恶的人。Iks人看上去更像是反常的,有病的人。 我不能接受这个观点。我相信Iks人并不能代表孤立的,被揭示本性的人,社会习俗使人类的本质更加清晰分明。我相信他们的行为是额外的,外加给他们的,不是天生的。这种无休止的,强迫性的,令人讨厌的行为是一种复杂的仪式。他们一定通过学习才这样做的,他们通过某种方式模仿学来的。 我有一种理论。Iks人一定是疯了。 一个独处的Ik人,孤立于被土崩瓦解的文化废墟中,已经为自己建立起新的防御工事。如果你居住在一个不用工作的社会,你也可以建立一个属于你自己的防御工事,这就是IKs 人所做的。每一个Ik人变成一个组织,独自一人的部落,一个选举区。 现在所有的事都开始明朗化。对我们所有人来说,这就是为什么Ik人似曾相识的原因。我们以前已经见过他们。这恰恰是小到委员会大到国家的大小不等的组织的行事方式。正是人性的这一方面落后于人类其他的进化,这是为啥Ik看上去原始的原因。当Ik处于绝对的自

研究生英语(第五版)课文翻译.

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As pollutants enter air, water, or soil, natural processes such as dilution, biological conversions, and chemical reactions convert waste material to more acceptable forms and disperse them through a larger volume. Yet those natural processes can no longer perform the cleanup alone .The treatment facilities designed by the environmental engineer are based on the principles of self-cleansing observed in nature, but the engineered processes amplify and optimize the operations observed in nature to handle larger volumes of pollutants and to treat them more rapidly. Engineers adapt the principles of natural mechanisms to engineered systems for pollution control when they construct tall stacks to disperse and dilute air pollutants, design biological treatment facilities for the removal of organics from waste water, use chemicals to oxidize and precipitate out the iron and manganese in drinking-water supplies, or bury solid wastes in controlled landfill operations. In all instances, the end products of the treatment of polluted water or air or of the disposal of solid wastes must be compatible with the existing environmental resources and must not overtax the assimilative powers of hydrosphere, atmosphere, or lithosphere. In structural engineering, the engineer can simply specify a larger or stronger base to carry a heavier load. The environmental engineer, on the other hand, must accept the carrying capacity f a stream, an airshed, or a landmass because these can seldom be changed. Sewage is the wastewater released by residences, businesses and industries in a community. It is 99.94 percent water, with only 0.06 percent of the wastewater dissolved and suspended solid material. The cloudiness of sewage is caused by suspended particles which in untreated sewage ranges from 100 to 350 mg/l. A measure of the strength of the wastewater is biochemical oxygen demand, or BOD5. The BOD5 measures the amount of oxygen microorganisms require in five days to break down sewage. Untreated sewage has a BOD5 ranging from 100 mg/l to 300 mg/l. Pathogens or disease-causing organisms are present in sewage. Coliform bacteria are used as an indicator of disease-causing organisms. Sewage also contains nutrients (such as ammonia and phosphorus), minerals, and metals. Ammonia can range from 12 to 50 mg/l and phosphorus can range from 6 to 20 mg/l in untreated sewage. Sewage treatment is a multi-stage process to renovate wastewater before it reenters a body of water, is applied to the land or is reused. The goal is to reduce or remove organic matter, solids, nutrients, disease-causing organisms and other pollutants from wastewater. Each receiving body of water has limits to the amount of pollutants it can receive without degradation. Therefore, each sewage treatment plant must hold a permit listing the allowable levels of BOD5, suspended solids, coliform bacteria and other pollutants. The discharge permits are called NPDES permits which stands for the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System.

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