日本财阀系列企业体系Keiretsu历史背景和面临问题

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揭秘掌握日本政治以及经济的五大政治家族和四大财阀

揭秘掌握日本政治以及经济的五大政治家族和四大财阀

揭秘掌握日本政治以及经济的五大政治家族和四大财阀控制日本政治的五大政治家族:分别是鸠山家族、小泉家族、安倍家族、麻生家族和福田家族。

1,鸠山家族:鸠山家族有着“日本的肯尼迪家族之称”。

鸠山家族就像美国的肯尼迪家族一样在日本有着强大的影响力,也像美国的肯尼迪家族一样多个家族的成员在政府担任要职。

2009年9月16日,鸠山由纪夫当选日本第93代、第60位日本首相。

鸠山由纪夫的曾祖父鸠山和夫在日本明治时代曾任众议院议长,祖父鸠山一郎曾任日本首相,并连任三届,也是日本自民党的创始人。

父亲是前外相鸠山威一郎,弟弟鸠山邦夫曾任麻生内阁中的总务大臣。

鸠山家族的财富也不可小觑。

鸠山由纪夫的外公,是世界最大的轮胎及橡胶产品生产商普利司通公司创始人石桥正二郎。

2,小泉家族:如按其成员在日本政坛持续在任的时间算,小泉家族是日本当之无愧的第一政治家族。

小泉家族事业的奠基人名叫小泉由兵卫。

在明治维新时,日本积极扩充军备。

小泉由兵卫趁势做起了军火生意,并积累起巨额财富。

自那以后,小泉家三代(包括小泉纯一郎及父亲小泉纯也)都是国会议员,而小泉纯一郎更是登上了首相宝座。

小泉纯一郎卸任后,其二子小泉进次郎子承父业,当选议员。

3,安倍家族:安倍家族背景非常复杂。

安倍家族与岸家族(以岸信介为代表)和佐藤家族(以佐藤荣作为代表)的亲缘关系非常密切。

安倍家族甚至于与日本天皇的皇族(宽仁亲王)都可以扯上亲戚关系。

在安倍晋三之前,其祖上一共出过两名首相。

一个是岸信介,另一个是佐藤荣作。

二人其实是亲兄弟。

岸信介长期为日本军国主义政府从事经济工作,战后被定为甲级战犯,但因其亲美反共立场颇得美国青睐而于1948年获释,后来担任第56任、57任首相。

岸信介作为侵华战争甲级战犯之一,在中国坏事干绝,据说灭绝人性的731细菌战部队就是他资助建立的。

他在首相任期内曾出访台湾,支持蒋介石返工大陆。

1960年,岸信介不顾国内民众强烈反对而强行修订日美安全条约,并宣称台湾包括在该条约“远东”地区适用范围,严重干涉中国内政和侵犯领土主权。

日本财团

日本财团

低成本的私有化浪潮使得日本的数家大型家族式商业企业拥有了大量工业企业的控 制权,这些企业,特别是金银矿等矿山企业所创造的利润,使以三菱为首的一批家族 企业获得了稳定的资金来源和现金流支撑,强化了其在日本经济中的支配和垄断地位, 进而逐渐影响日本的社会以及政治。
二战结束前的发展及变化
19世纪末,日本开始以战争手段对外扩张。长期对外战争所需要的各类武器装备 和军需物资,为各大财阀所属的众多企业提供了持续且充足的订货。军事订货有其连 贯性及广泛性,以海军建设为例,只有钢铁、造船、重型机械、石油化工、武器装备、 通信联络等诸多类型企业密切配合,才能保证海军的装备数量和质量,提高其作战能 力。因此,各大财阀都积极参与其中,为日本军队提供装备,或是在占领区设立商社 等,掠夺当地资源,以满足本国工业对原材料的需求。这一时期,也是日本各大财阀 发展最快的时期之一。 随着经营规模的不断扩张,日本财阀原有的单纯的家族式管理体制对其自身的扩 张造成了阻碍,已不适应日本经济的快速发展。为了改善企业管理结构,进一步扩大 企业资金来源,各财阀开始普遍运用公司——这一新型的管理模式来对原有的企业结 构进行优化。公司制是与股份制不可分离的,这一时期财阀企业的一个重要变化,就 是开始引入外部资本,吸收外来投资来解决自身扩张过程中有可能遇到的资金问题。 所吸收的外部资本既包括股权融资,也有一部分公众资本。这一变化带来了两个结果, 一是财阀对于下属企业的总体持股比例开始下降,二是各级子公司的上市使得集团内 任意上市企业的股票都可以被本集团内任意其他企业持有,这便是富有日本特色的企 业间相互持股制度。但这种变化起初并未撼动财阀家族对所属企业的绝对控制权。财 阀直接控制的总商社仍然对下属企业拥有绝对控股权,供融资的股份只占其全部企业 股份总额的很小一部分。财阀的根本性质并没有改变,但这却标志着日本财阀开始了 向现代企业集团的转变。 既便如此,到了20世纪30年代,日本即将达到顶峰的对外军事扩张,由此带动的 国内经济以及国民高涨的热情仍然使财阀的股权份额继续发生变化。1936年,日本国 内所发行的股票市值总额达到了当年日本GDP总额的136%,说明了日本的资本市场已 经极为发达。由于所属企业大量上市,财阀对于下属企业的总体持股比例不断下降, 到1943年时,这一比例已经下降至大约30%。但是财阀直接控制的总商社对其第一层 子公司仍然绝对控股,且控股比例仍很高,平均值约在75%左右。

丰田生产方式的诞生背景

丰田生产方式的诞生背景

丰田生产方式的诞生背景丰田生产方式(Toyota Production System,简称TPS)是丰田汽车公司在20世纪50年代初期由其创始人丰田喜一郎和丰田产业公司第二代领导人丰田吉治共同开发的一种生产方式。

该生产方式以精益生产为核心,旨在通过最小化浪费和提高生产效率来实现优质产品的生产。

丰田生产方式的诞生背景与丰田公司在二战后的复苏和竞争状况有关。

二战结束后,日本经济陷入了严重的萧条,丰田公司也面临着生产和销售困难。

在这个困境下,丰田公司决定进行一次根本性的改革,以提高生产效率和品质水平,从而在竞争中立于不败之地。

1950年代初期,丰田公司的生产方式主要是批量生产。

这种生产方式存在许多问题,比如生产过程中存在大量的浪费、工人之间的协作不够高效等。

为了解决这些问题,丰田公司决定进行一系列的改革,并最终形成了丰田生产方式。

丰田生产方式的诞生可以追溯到20世纪40年代末期,在这个时期,丰田公司开始引入了一种新的生产方法,称为“连续流水生产”。

这种生产方式的核心理念是通过物料和信息的流畅传递,从而使生产过程更为高效和灵活。

虽然这种生产方式在理论上是可行的,但在实践中却面临着许多困难。

生产过程中会出现停机现象,物料和信息的流程不畅,导致生产效率低下和品质不稳定等问题。

在面对这些问题时,丰田公司开始探索一种更为高效和灵活的生产方式。

丰田公司员工发现,通过深入研究生产过程中的问题和瓶颈,并进行不断的改进,可以解决许多生产效率和品质稳定性的问题。

在丰田公司的员工中,一种精益思维的理念开始流行开来,即尽可能地消除浪费和不必要的操作,从而提高生产效率和品质水平。

基于这一理念,丰田公司开始积极推行一系列变革,其中包括以下主要原则:1. 精益化思维:丰田公司提倡员工具有精益化的思维方式,即关注如何消除浪费和提高效率。

通过精益化思维,员工可以更好地理解生产过程中的问题,并找到解决问题的方法。

2. 流程化管理:丰田公司强调生产过程的流程化管理,即通过优化物料和信息的流动,使生产过程更加高效和灵活。

日本企业财团的组织形态及运作机制之启示

日本企业财团的组织形态及运作机制之启示

一、为什么学习日本?国内学界对于日本企业的大量研究集中于二十世纪90年代。

当时的日本,在战后贫弱不堪的状态下,只经过20多年里的发展,就迅速地成为世界经济最发达的国家之一,让世界第一经济强国的美国人都惊呼“日本第一”,把日本列入经济上最有威胁的国家。

这种论调也使得中国的学者们掀起了研究日本企业的热潮,90年代中期对于日本企业的研究可以说是硕果累累。

但后来日本不断发表各种经济数据和文章,宣称本国经济危机和衰退,称90年代后的时期为“失去的二十年”,且日本也试着引入西方的经济运行机制来试图振兴经济,自此我国国内学界研究日本企业的热潮也烟消云散,转而将目光投向了西方。

而实际上,很多日本企业家经过实践认为学习西方的弊端是多方面的,欧美模式对于日本并不适合。

甚至有观点认为,当美国将目光聚焦到日本并阻碍日本扩张时,日本十分警觉并害怕再次成为欧美打击的对象,所以用一些掩盖自身实力的经济数据,宣称日本已进入衰退时代,成功地隐藏了自己。

日本企业家私底下对于这些统计数据十分不屑,认为日本经济已经是世界第一。

2009年世界500强企业中,日本企业有71家,营业额达到29416亿美元,占12.7%,企业数量和营业额都仅次于美国,居世界500强企业第二位。

2009年日本国内生产总值居全球第二,2010年位居第三(中国当年排名第二,但日本人均GDP 为中国的十倍),2015年日本国内生产总值仍位居第三(中国位居第二,中国人均GDP 为日本四分之一)。

实际上,这些可见的GDP 统计数据中,不包含日本的海外资产。

有观点认为,如果海外资产计入统计数据,日本整体经济实力不可估量,无人能敌。

在人们以为日本企业在各种打击中已走向衰落的认识误区中,它却以低调和隐秘的姿态迅速在全球进行产业链的扩张和调整以及优质资源的整合、聚敛。

从日本FDI [英文全称Foreign Direct Investment,意指对外直接投资。

是一国的投资者跨越国境将资本或其他生产要素投入他国,以获取或控制相应的企业经营管理权,从而获得利润或其他利益的投资活动。

日本右翼财阀清单

日本右翼财阀清单

日本右翼财阀清单我们每买一次日货就增加了日本的收入,这些钱就流进了右翼财阀的口袋。

有资料显示,不仅仅是日本右翼分子个人,几乎所有的日本右翼组织,都有国内财团作为强大后盾。

可这些在背后为右翼组织各种反华行动提供资金支持的企业,从中国赚走不少大洋。

像三菱、鹿岛建设、富士通、朝日、日野、东芝等等,这些国人耳熟能详的日本企业都曾向右翼势力提供过资金支持。

如果每个人坚持一年不买日货,日本的经济将倒退。

抵制日货从自我做起!1、家用电器及办工器材等:索尼_SONY 佳能_CANON JVC TDK 松下_Panasonic 卡西欧_CASIO建伍_KENWOOD 爱华 _aiwa 精工_SIEKO 尼康 _NIKON 日立_HITACHI兄弟_Brother 先锋_Pioneer 东芝_TOSHIBA 八重洲_YAES 阿尔派_ALPINENEC 百乐 NTT 美能达_Minolta 斑马_ZEBRAKDDI Olympus 蜻蜓_Dragonfly DoCoMo 夏普_SHARP富士通FUJITSU TUKA 爱普生_EPSON 美上美_MITSUMI J-PHONE理光_Ricoh 京瓷_Kyocera KONIKA 三洋_Sanyo2、化妆品及日常洗化等资生堂_SHISEIDO DHC MILD 花王_KAO 狮王_LION诗芬_sifone 碧柔Biore 多芬_Dove 乐而雅_Laurier 高丝3、烟酒及食品等柔和七星明治食品四洲食品麒麟食品午后红茶LUCIDO 朝日啤酒 BOSS咖啡日清食品日本酒雪印食品 suntory茶4、车丰田_TOYOTA 威驰_Vios 风度_Cefiro 本田(或宏达)_HONDA 尼桑_Nissan途乐_Patro 马自达_Mazda 日产_Nissan 佳_Urvan 三菱_MITSUBISHI蓝鸟_Nissan 阳光_Sunny 十五铃_ISUZU 奇骏_X-trail 铃木_SUZUKI凌治_Harrier 塘玙Civilian5、服装等美津浓MIZUNO 爱斯克斯_ 日高_NIKKO 华高6、百货伊藤洋华堂_Ito Yokado_成都华堂 Ito Yokado 北京7、其它立邦油漆 TOTO卫浴富士胶卷FUJI FILM 松本电工爱眼眼镜精工眼横滨轮胎第一生命(制药武田** 田胃药森永化工)就在今年7月,三菱重工再度拓展在华市场,将新的店铺放在中国的二级城市,2012年内将增设到100家店。

日本四大财阀

日本四大财阀

日本四大财阀以家族财阀为中心的三井、三菱、住友、安田四大财团是日本最早形成的垄断财团。

如今,三菱、三井、住友、富士(芙蓉)、第一劝业银行、三和等六大垄断财团掌握着日本的经济命脉,控制着日本的大量公司。

住友财团住友集团(すみともグループ)是日本最古老的企业集团之一,拥有400多年历史。

早在16世纪时,住友家族因在四国岛上开创并经营一座铜矿而日益发展壮大,成为日本官方指定的供铜商,主要服务于当时日本一些极具实力的名门望族,其中包括在1603—1868年间统治日本长达200多年的德川幕府。

当时,该家族的掌门人自豪地宣称,住友商社是全球最大的铜出口商。

17世纪由住友政友(すみともまさとも) 1585-1652 在京都创办的“富士屋”发祥而来。

从经营铜制乐器的商号开始,元禄4年 (1691年) 到取得别子铜山的经营权,之后283年铜的生产得以持续,住友也因此不断成长。

经历了明治维新混乱时期的别子铜山,在引进外国的技术和机械后生产能力得到大幅飞跃。

之后在吸收西洋技术不断扩展铜生产量的同时,机械工业、石炭工业、电线制造业、林业等关连事业也相继得以开展。

后发展成为以矿工业和金融业为中心的近代财团。

住友财团 - 财团历史19世纪中叶,日本市场逐步对西方开放,住友商社也更为广泛地在冶钢及炼钢等领域发展起来。

到20世纪初,住友家族已经迅速发展成为日本国第三大金融财阀。

本世纪30年代及第二次世界大战期间,一些颇具政治影响力的垄断集团成为日本军国主义的主要追随者,住友财团也不例外。

在此期间,住友财团的家族集中化更加明显,该财团的大部分产业都集中到了住友家族手中。

到1937年,住友家族的第16代传人已经掌握了财团股本总额的90%之多。

日本战败后,各财阀在美国的限制下纷纷解体而改组成为企业集团。

随着战后财团的解体,住友旗下的企业也走上了各自独立的道路,住友家族在日本政治经济上的影响力也大大削弱。

但是,随着战后日本经济的复苏,住友财团又东山再起,日益发展壮大。

论日本财阀系企业集团的形成及其特征

论日本财阀系企业集团的形成及其特征
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财 阀和新 兴大 企业结 合 而形成 银行 系三大 企业集 团。 形 从 成时 间看 , 阀系 企业 集 团早 于银行 系企 业集 团。 实力 财 从 看 , 阀系企业 集团强于银行 系企业集 团。 财 要研 究 1本企业 3
集团, 必须研究财 阀系企 业集 团。 我 国对 1本 企 业 集 团 的研 究 开 始 于 2 世 纪 8 3 O O年代 , 从 已有成 果 看 , 偏重 于经 济 学 范 畴 内 的 1本 企 业集 团 的 3
1 企 业集 团是第 二 次 世界 大 战 以后 形 成 的 法人 企 3本 业 联合体 , 实质 为垄 断资本 集 团。三菱 、三井 、 友 、 其 住 芙 蓉 、 一劝银 与三 和等六 大企业 集 团是 当代 1本 具有代 表 第 3 性 的企 业集 团。据统 计 ,19 年 ,1本 六 大 企业 集 团 的企 96 3 业数 仅 占全 国法人企 业总数 的 00 6 而 资产 占全 国总数 . %, 0 的 1 . 销 售 额 占 1 . %, 利 润 占 1 . %, 本 金 占 1 %, 4 25 2 纯 36 8 资

日本家族企业发展模式

日本家族企业发展模式

日本家族企业成长模式小结
• 制定家训、家族宪法,告诫 自己和后人。 • 家族是社团法人,重视家名、 家业,家业永存。 • 通过领养、招婿等方式引进 优秀人才进入家族企业。
第四篇
家族企业的一般成长模式
家族企业的未来发展趋势
家族企业如何“家业长青”
家族企业的一般成长模式
所有权和控制权(表决权)的四种分离模式。 • 在组织形态和结构上呈两极发展模式。一 是大企业、大集团模式,二是走中小企 业集群之路。
业主制和合伙制的家 族企业是日本最基本 的企业形态。 19世纪80年代以前
财阀企业或者以家族 为基础的控股公司是 日本家族企业最基本 的企业形态。
19世纪80年代 至第二次世界大 战结束
日本家族企业开始由 财阀结构逐渐演变为 财团形式的企业集团, 实行类家族式管理。
第二次世界大战 以后
Description of the contents
综合商社
关键职能
三井物产是三井财团的核心企业,也是 全球最大的综合商社。三井物产拥子公司 1100多家,在日本国内拥有34个机构,在 全球93个国家和地区设有事务所89个 。
是通过各种各样精心 设计的服务促进客户 的国际贸易活劢。
全球性地调劢信息、人 力、财力等资源和客户 共同努力,从而创建新 的业务、新的公司,幵 进入新的产业。
三井财阀简介
二战结 束
作为日本军国主义的工具,三井财阀和 其他财阀一样,经过了解散和复活的过 程。但是,三井财阀由亍同政府关系长 期较为密切,因而在解散中理所当然地 受到了更大的打击。
三井财阀的核心企业才走上正轨 。三井银 行、三井信托银行、大正海上火灾保险、 三井人寿保险等4家金融机构,恢复了经 营活力,为集团的重新集结和发展提供了 资金支撑 。
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Question One: Compare the post-war Keiretsu inter-firm structure in Japan with the pre-war Zaibatsus. Explain the reasons why the Keiretsu were important to Japan’s economy in the 1950-1990 period, and why they are now considered to be a major cause of its current structural problems.IntroductionThis paper reviews major theoretical and empirical work on comparing the Keiretsu and Zaibatsus as well as the importance of Keiretsus in the process of Japan development during the 1950s to early 1990s. Firstly, I compare the pre-war Zaibatsus with the post-war Keiretsu in concepts, history, structures and governance perspectives. This article will reviews major theoretical and empirical work on vertical and horizontal Japanese keiretsu. I then discuss changes in the Japanese economy during the post-war period from 1950s till 1992 Japanese economic decline and their implications for the persistence and continued benefits of each form of inter-corporate grouping followed by a discussion of facts regarding the role of keiretsu in the Japanese economy. Thirdly, this article will analyse the structural problems of Keiretsus on the globalisation context.Backgrounds of Zaibatsus and Keiretsus in JapanJapanese Zaibatsus developed mostly from the Meiji era (1868-1912). By the turn of the century, Japan had given birth to several groups of widely diversified companies, each of them owned and operated by a single family. With the wealth expansion of these families, they became the nation’s new aristocracy, the “financial cliques” or the Zaibatsus. The Zaibatsu is generally understood to be a diverse group of large industries controlled by a single family, usually through a central holding company. According to Miyashita and Russell (1994), a Zaibatsu is “nothing morethan a l arge industrial combine” on its initial strcuture. The actual growth of the Zaibatsus began in 1914, World WarⅠ, Japan supplied munitions and other goods to the Allies. Without the competition from European companies, Japanese firms were free to expand internationally. During that five years, the export of Japan increased 266%. The Big Four----Zaibatsus are Mitsui, Sumitomo, Mitsubishi and Yasuda used their profits to start their own bank. The Americans initially wanted to dissolve all the zaibatsu after World WarⅡ, as they saw them as undemocratic and the finance behind the militaristic government of the 1930's (see .wa-pedia.).Even though Japan's economy made huge strides in economic reformation after the WWⅠ, the Zaibatsu interests began to enter the political arena to support their interests. Their activities became entwined with the government in wartime Japan. Eventually, the Potsdam Declaration that was signed in 1945 required the liquidation of the Zaibatsu to democratize Japan's post–war economy. As explained in the previous article, by 1945 the zaibatsu had grown to control a significant portion of Japanese trade and industry. In addition, for the purpose of controlling economic power, special provisions were included in Japan's Antimonopoly Act for the specific purpose of forbidding holding companies and limiting the acquisition by financial enterprises of stock of other companies. In hindsight these provisions might appear to have been ineffective barriers to the creation of excessive economic control and equally ineffective as measures to ensure competition in Japan's economy. These arguments were made when Japan enacted the Act for partial Amendment of the Antimonopoly Act in 1997 by which act Japan finally eliminated the 50–year old ban on holding companies.Compare pre-war Zaibatsus with the post-war KeiretsusThe zaibatsu is a diversified group of businesses owned by a family. Mostly had origins in non-manufacturing sectors in mining, shipping and most importantly, banking. Then diversified not by integration but by shareholdings and representatives on Boards of Directors of separate firms. The Keiretsus are conglomerates similar to pre-war Zaibatsus but not family owned and with a bank at its heart and with one of the following forms (Miwa, 2003):1. General trading company able to handle gigantic and diverse volume of commerce2. Production oriented group3. Distribution oriented group based on network of small retailers4. Large retail or RR companiesWithin years of dismantling the Zaibatsu, changes on both the domestic and international fronts are thought to have led to a relaxation of regulations upon the concentration of economic power in Japan. On the latter front, following the establishment of communist China, U.S. foreign policy toward Japan could be seen shifting to one supporting a shoring up of Japan's economic power. Secondly, industrial growth and increased production capacity in Japan supported the U.S. need for supplies during the Korean War. Under this circumstance, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) helped Zaibatsus to reform with personnel and new organizational structure. The personnel system including dispatching senior managers form main banks and sogo shosha to smaller firms aims to tight the horizontal connections in order to keep a controlled decision making process. Keiretsus include horizontal and vertical company relationships, and sometimes business ties that are held together not by capital but by mere transactional relationships among enterprises. The central role of main banks in corporate governancegreatly distinguishes these groups from the Zaibatsus.Viewing this development from Zaibatsu the Keiretsu as a whole, the following two points seen characteristic. First, in the pre-war Zaibatsu the links in the enterprise groups were centred on the commercial sector of their businesses. On the contrast, the post-war Keiretsus were paying attentions on heavy and chemical industry sector. Second, the Zaibatsus linked vertically and topped by a holding family for the whole group. By comparison, the Keiretsus are centred on financial institutions (main banks) and linked the enterprises horizontally with newly formed enterprise groups.PEST analysis on the importance of Keiretsus in Japan’s post-war developmentPolitical: Competitions among countries had a great impact on the development of Japan. The government set the industrial structure of the country with high-standard processing trade (Russell, 1994). Keiretsus’ horizontal networks can be a competitive advantage due to the networks can supervise the whole process from manufacturing to retailing. With the as sistance of sogo shosha’s entry to certain country-wide markets, Japan can easily sustain this “input-output synergies” competitive advantage. The Mitsui China Representative office vice president Wei of once mentioned in an interview “We won’t manufacture illegal things, but we are able to manufacture anything else with the Keiretsu networks.”( see .mbalib.).Economical: During the 1950s to 1990s, Japan experienced three depressions: the oil price increased in the 1970s made the GDP growth rate in Japan came to a negative growth in 1974 (see .stat.go.jp/english/index.htm). The Plaza Accord indirectly let tothe bubble economy in Japan. Faced a relatively unfavourable domestic economical context, the competitive advantage of Keiretsus including the Big Six and other firms are making efforts to strengthen their own groups, and at the frontiers of the new industries which have been developed in Japan since the war, they have been competing against one another with out quarter in equipment investment. This is not only in the case of oil-chemicals industry but also in the motor vehicles. Nine manufacturers in addition to Toyota and Nissan are competing to increase their shares in the market. In this case, Japan’s productive potential has risen rapidly and has realized a degree of high growth which is literally the highest In the world.Apart from external competitive advantages, the internal financial networks also made a great contribution to the rapid growth of Keiretsus and in return to the whole Japan economy. The input-output synergies made the profit-trapping possible. What’s more, the main bank financing and cross-shareholding promoted the capital market of Japan developed fast as well as way to maintain anti-takeover and encouraging risk taking situation.Social and technological: The labour force assessment of Keiretsus can be identified as follow, until quite recently, a continual supply of superior labour of both with good quality and readily adaptable to modern technology was available. Additionally, t he Keiretsus’ tendency to invest was never subject to restriction from this aspect. The new personnel rotation and loan of personnel system make sure the connection between banks and firms. This system enable the banks to supervise the debts and operations of the firms. As for the firms, they may obtain the essential financial supports and advanced management.In sum, the situation of Japan post-war economy growth was owing to thenetwork structural protection and development. These Keiretsus made efforts in equipment investment, intending to get practically all new industries into their hands on the basis of funds collected from the pipelines of the powerful financial Keiretsus, so that they might strengthen their control of the industries.The changing global contextThe bursting of Japan’s ‘‘bubble economy’’ led to an economic downturn in the 1990s. Because of deflation, decreasing consumer demand, stagnation of real GDP, a fall in property and land prices by 80% between 1991 and 1998 as well as a rapid growth of unemployment. Widespread changes in capital markets and inter-firm networks in Japan were accompanied by more fundamental restructurings of corporate performance systems, labour relations and employment practices. Competition from cheaper imports increased at the same time as domestic demand fell overall. As a result there were unprecedented declines in Japan’s overall industrial production rate in 1997 and 1998. The keiretsu system remained strongly in place throughout the first half of the 1990s. Nevertheless, the tendency move toward globalization of capital markets in Japan and ongoing regulatory change may potentially impact networking and performance implications in the 21st century.These keiretsu are an effective system of minimising transaction costs, and an efficiency gain that has contributed to Japan's economic success. But the system has often been criticised for excluding outside firms from markets and, more particularly, as a barrier to foreign firms entering the Japanese market. Although keiretsu relationships appeared in the 1930s, it was in the 1950s that they were rapidly consolidated. In the post-war years, larger corporations chose their trading partners in areas such as production and distribution, and set about forming close,long-term business relationships. The keiretsu were a response to the intense competitive pressures which existed among Japanese firms; certainly, their primary purpose was not to exclude foreign firms. The keiretsu system resulted from corporate competition within the Japanese economy, and became established as a link between firms that was economically rational, and suited to Japanese-style management. However, the system of keiretsu relationships began to be seen as an unfair barrier.With the process of globalisation, plentiful cheap capital from the group's own banks financed a wild dash for global market share in the fast-moving global markets. It is hurting the keiretsu: When the world moved on to Microsoft Corp. and Intel Corp. of the computer technology. These competitions are costing the keiretsu plenty. ''This is not a temporary change due to the recession,'' says Hiroshi Okumura, a Chuo University professor who studies the keiretsu. ''These groups have become weak because of a structural change in the economy.'' (Business week, 1999).Over the last decade, many of the keiretsu car manufacturers of Japan have experienced a huge shift in their external environment. Some of the major drivers of change include the sustained economic slowdown in Japan, an increasingly globalized world and changing customer-supplier relationships. These changes have forced keiretsus to reinvent themselves and, in some cases, to completely dissolve the traditional keiretsu structure. As globalization continues to progress, it has become clear that Japanese firms will have to start shifting their productions centers in order to stay competitive. This will be difficult for many Japanese firms due to the fact that interacting with other non-keiretsu companies will require learning a different business culture. Shedding the less desirable qualities of Keiretsu has allowed many Japanese firm flourishon the world stage. By looking outside of their own keiretsu group, firms are establishing international manufacturing agreements with more independent firms who are able to produce products for much less then in Japan. Some of the standout Japanese companies that have reach out to foreign suppliers and manufacturers is Toyota. While most of Japan was going through the lost decade, Toyota was actively establishing new partnerships with western firms in both the Americas and Europe. Not only was Toyota unafraid of reaching out to new markets and business partners, it made maintained diversified supply chains and manufacturing locations as to maximize profits and competitiveness.According to the report from Japan National Statistic institution, the cross-shareholding rate of the Keiretsus dropped from 93% in 1987 to 83% in 2003. Diversification without regard for return on equity has been costly in terms of lower credit ratings. The conservatism of the Keiretsu has caused them to lag behind in fast-changing, globalised markets. As the executive vice-president of Mistubishi Research Institute, Danno Koichi, noted in a recent paper (see ), the competition brought about by the expansion of US companies, the integration of the Western European market, the birth of the euro, and the information-technology revolution has hit Japanese companies hard.Structural reforms being undertaken by the Japanese government may change the country's corporate landscape, while moves by more companies to seek alliances outside their Keiretsu-- as Mistubishi Oil and Nikko Securities of the Mistubishi family did -- may well hasten the deconstruction of these corporate entities.ConclusionThis paper reviews major theoretical and empirical work on comparing theKeiretsu and Zaibatsus as well as the importance of Keiretsus in the process of Japan development during the 1950s to early 1990s. Firstly, by comparing the pre-war Zaibatsus with the post-war Keiretsu in concepts, history and structures, we conclude that the Keiretsus are the reorganised Zaibatsus. Keiretsu are the close, long-term business relationships established by large corporations with select groups of smaller firms, and they are linked through investment and the exchange of personnel. Then this article offered a discussion of the growth in the Japanese economy during the post-war period from 1950s till 1992 contributed by the Keiretsus’ network s. Thirdly, in the globalisation context, the Keiretsus are regarded as having structural problems. These problems limit the sustainable competitive advantages of Keiretsus to develop into the global market. So the changes are on the process for a reforming of Japan economy.ReferencesAnon 'TIME TO OVERHAUL JAPAN'S KEIRETSU MODEL' (1999), BusinessWeek, 3620, p. 114Bremner, B, Thornton, E, & Kunii, I (1999), 'FALL OF A KEIRETSU', BusinessWeek, 3620, pp. 86-92Kawai, N. (2009, Spring Issue 85). Shifting Gears. Jpan Inc. , pp. 10-12McGuire, J, & Dow, S (2003), 'The persistence and implications of Japanese keiretsu organization', Journal of International Business Studies, 34, 4, pp. 374-388Miwa, Y, & Ramseyer, J (2003), 'Does Ownership Matter? Evidence from the Zaibatsu Dissolution Program', Journal of Economics & Management Strategy, 12, 1, pp. 67-89, Business Source Premier, EBSCO host, viewed 5 May 2011.Miyashita, K. and Russell, D. (1994), Keiretsu: Inside the Hidden Japanese Conglomerates McGraw-Hill, Inc.Shimotani, M (1995), 'The Formation of Distribution Keiretsu: The Case of Matsushita Electric', Business History, 37, 2, pp. 54-69, Business Source Premier, EBSCO host, viewed 1 May 2011'The Japanese Zaibatsu' (1946), Vital Speeches of the Day, 12, 13, p. 394, Business Source Premier, EBSCO host, viewed 5 May 2011.Tong, A, & Richardson, J (2003), 'The rise--and fall?--of the keiretsu', Asian Chemical News, 9, 385, p. 14. . . .wa-pedia./economy/zaibatsu.shtml.. ..。

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