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里根演讲：真正的英雄

里根演讲：真正的英雄《真正的英雄》是美国总统里根关于"挑战者号"航天飞机悲剧的演讲，以下是店铺整理了里根演讲：真正的英雄，供你参考。

里根演讲：真正的英雄全文如下：今天，我们聚集在一起，沉痛地哀悼我们失去的七位勇敢的公民，共同分担内心的悲痛，或许在相互间的安慰中，我们能够得到承受痛苦的力量并坚定追求理想的信念。

对家庭、朋友及我们的太空宇航员所爱着的人们来讲，国家的损失首先是他们个人的巨大损失。

对那些失去亲人的父亲、母亲、丈夫和妻子们，对那些兄弟、姐妹，尤其是孩子们，在你们悲痛哀悼的日子里，所有的美国人都和你们紧紧地站在一起。

我们今天所说的远远不够表达我们内心的真实情感，言语在我们的不幸面前显得如此软弱无力:它们根本无法寄托我们对你们深深爱着的、同时也是我们所敬佩的英勇献身的人们的哀思。

英雄之所以称之为英雄，并不在于我们颂赞的语言，而在于他们始终以高度的事业心、自尊心和锲而不舍地对神奇而美妙的宇宙进行探索的责任感，去实践真正的生活以至献出生命。

我们所能尽力做到的就是记住我们的七位宇航员七位"挑战者"，记住他们活着的时候给熟悉他们的人们带来的生机、爱和欢乐，给祖国带来的骄傲。

他们来自这个伟大国家的四面八方从南加利福尼亚州到华盛顿州，从俄亥俄到纽约州的莫霍克，从夏威夷到北卡罗来纳和纽约州的布法洛。

他们彼此很不相同，但他们每个人的追求和肩负的使命却又是那样的一致。

我们记得迪克·司各比，我们从升空的"挑战者"号听到的最后一句话就来自这位机长之口。

在参加太空计划之前，他曾是一名战斗机飞行员，后来成为一名高空飞行器的试验飞行员。

对机长司各比来说，危险从来就是一位熟悉的伙伴。

我们记得迈克·史密斯，作为战斗机飞行员获得过的奖章戴满了胸前，其中包括海军特级飞行十字勋章和来自一个国家的敢斗银星十字勋章。

我们还记得被朋友们称为J.R.的朱蒂丝·莱恩尼科，她总是对人们微笑着，总是迫不及待地想对人民有所贡献。

美国总统经典演讲稿

美国总统经典演讲稿分享一些美国总统们的经典演讲，每一个都是那么的精彩。

以下就是店铺给大家分享的美国总统经典演讲稿，希望对大家有帮助。

美国总统经典演讲稿篇一里根演讲稿《真正的英雄》女士们，先生们：今晚，我原计划就联邦政府的状况向大家做报告，但今天早些时候发生的事件已经改变了我的计划。

今天是一个举国哀悼和缅怀追忆的日子。

南茜和我对“挑战者“号航天飞机坠毁的悲剧感到彻骨的心痛。

我们知道，我们与全国人民共同承受着悲痛，这真的是一个民族的损失。

19年前，几乎是与今天相同的一天，我们在一次恐怖的地面事故中失去了三个宇航员。

但是，我们从未在飞行过程中失去任何一个太空人。

我们从未遭遇过今天这样的悲剧，或许，我们已经忘却了“挑战者“号航天飞机全体宇航员身上的巨大勇气。

但是他们，“挑战者号“上的七人，清楚意识到潜在的危险，却克服了恐惧并出色地工作。

我们哀悼以下七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯，迪克·斯科比，朱迪斯·雷斯尼克，雷诺德·麦克奈尔，埃利森·鬼冢，格雷戈里·贾唯斯和克莱斯特·麦考利夫。

我们举国上下一致哀悼他们的远去。

对这七位英雄的家人，我要说的是，我们像你们一样，也不能承受这次悲剧带来的沉重打击。

但是我们深切体会到这一巨大损失，并且我们也对你们的悲痛感同身受。

你们深爱的家人是如此勇敢无畏，他们具有“给我一个挑战，我会欣然迎接“的从容及献身精神。

他们如此渴望探索太空，发现宇宙的奥秘。

他们期望为国服务并且真正做到了这一点，为大众服务。

在这个世纪里，我们对奇迹已习以为常，要让我们再感到惊奇不是那么容易的一件事情。

但在过去的25年里，美国航天计划一直令我们叹为观止，对太空一词我们已经耳熟能详，或许我们已经忘记我们仅是刚刚起步，我们仍是先锋者，“挑战者“号的全体成员都是先锋者。

里根第二任总统就职演说

MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1985 Senator Mathias, Chief Justice Burger, Vice President Bush, Speaker O'Neill, Senator Dole, Reverend Clergy, members of my family and friends, and my fellow citizens: This day has been made brighter with the presence here of one who, for a time, has been absent——Senator John Stennis. God bless you and welcome back. There is, however, one who is not with us today: Representative Gillis Long of Louisiana left us last night. I wonder if we could all join in a moment of silent prayer. (Moment of silent prayer.) Amen. There are no words adequate to express my thanks for the great honor that you have bestowed on me. I will do my utmost to be deserving of your trust. This is, as Senator Mathias told us, the 50th time that we the people have celebrated this historic occasion. When the first President, George Washington, placed his hand upon the Bible, he stood less than a single day's journey by horseback from raw, untamed wilderness. There were 4 million Americans in a union of 13 States. Today we are 60 times as many in a union of 50 States. We have lighted the world with our inventions, gone to the aid of mankind wherever in the world there was a cry for help, journeyed to the Moon and safely returned. So much has changed. And yet we stand together as we did two centuries ago. When I took this oath four years ago, I did so in a time of economic stress. Voices were raised saying we had to look to our past for the greatness and glory. But we, the present-day Americans, are not given to looking backward. In this blessed land, there is always a better tomorrow. Four years ago, I spoke to you of a new beginning and we have accomplished that. But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it to have. That system has never failed us, but, for a time, we failed the system. We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give. We yielded authority to the National Government that properly belonged to States or to local governments or to the people themselves. We allowed taxes and inflation to rob us of our earnings and savings and watched the great industrial machine that had made us the most productive people on Earth slow down and the number of unemployed increase. By 1980, we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all our strength toward the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with an orderly society. We believed then and now there are no limits to growth and human progress when men and women are free to follow their dreams. And we were right to believe that. Tax rates have been reduced, inflation cut dramatically, and more people are employed than ever before in our history. We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive. But there are many mountains yet to climb. We will not rest until every American enjoys the fullness of freedom, dignity, and opportunity as our birthright. It is our birthright as citizens of this great Republic, and we'll meet this challenge. These will be years when Americans have restored their confidence and tradition of progress; when our values of faith, family, work, and neighborhood were restated for a modern age; when our economy was finally freed from government's grip; when we made sincere efforts at meaningful arms reduction, rebuilding our defenses, our economy, and developing new technologies, and helped preserve peace in a troubled world; when Americans courageously supported the struggle for liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world, and turned the tide of history away from totalitarian darkness and into the warm sunlight of human freedom. My fellow citizens, our Nation is poised for greatness. We must do what we know is right and do it with all our might. Let history say of us, "These were golden years——when the American Revolution was reborn, when freedom gained new life, when America reached for her best." Our two-party system has served us well over the years, but never better than in those times of great challenge when we came together not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans united in a common cause. Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginia planter named Jefferson, members of thatremarkable group who met in Independence Hall and dared to think they could start the world over again, left us an important lesson. They had become political rivals in the Presidential election of 1800. Then years later, when both were retired, and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to each other again through letters. A bond was reestablished between those two who had helped create this government of ours. In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, they both died. They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July. In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: "It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right to self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless …… we rode through the storm with heart and hand." Well, with heart and hand, let us stand as one today: One people under God determined that our future shall be worthy of our past. As we do, we must not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past. We must never again abuse the trust of working men and women, by sending their earnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloated Federal Establishment. You elected us in 1980 to end this prescription for disaster, and I don't believe you reelected us in 1984 to reverse course. At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that are the core of human progress. We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment; reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives. We must simplify our tax system, make it more fair, and bring the rates down for all who work and earn. We must think anew and move with a new boldness, so every American who seeks work can find work; so the least among us shall have an equal chance to achieve the greatest things——to be heroes who heal our sick, feed the hungry, protect peace among nations, and leave this world a better place. The time has come for a new American emancipation——a great national drive to tear down economic barriers and liberate the spirit of enterprise in the most distressed areas of our country. My friends, together we can do this, and do it we must, so help me God.—— From new freedom will spring new opportunities for growth, a more productive, fulfilled and united people, and a stronger America——an America that will lead the technological revolution, and also open its mind and heart and soul to the treasures of literature, music, and poetry, and the values of faith, courage, and love. A dynamic economy, with more citizens working and paying taxes, will be our strongest tool to bring down budget deficits. But an almost unbroken 50 years of deficit spending has finally brought us to a time of reckoning. We have come to a turning point, a moment for hard decisions. I have asked the Cabinet and my staff a question, and now I put the same question to all of you: If not us, who? And if not now, when? It must be done by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching a balanced budget. We can then begin reducing the national debt. I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year. Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend. We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due. Let us make it unconstitutional for the Federal Government to spend more than the Federal Government takes in. We have already started returning to the people and to State and local governments responsibilities better handled by them. Now, there is a place for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion. But our fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade the dignity of those who are infirm or disadvantaged. And here a growing economy and support from family and community offer our best chance for a society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirm are cared for, the young and, yes, the unborn protected, and the unfortunate looked after and made self And there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part. As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed, or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installed in social custom and, yes, in law. There is no story more heartening in our history than the progress that we have made toward the "brotherhood of man" that God intended for us. Let us resolve there will be no turning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity and abundant with opportunity for all our citizens. Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us——white and black, rich and poor, young and old——will go forward together arm in arm. Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth. I have spoken of our domestic goals and the limitations which we should put on our National Government. Now let me turn to a task which is the primary responsibility of National Government-the safety and security of our people. Today, we utter no prayer more fervently than the ancient prayer for peace on Earth. Yet history has shown that peace will not come, nor will our freedom be preserved, by good will alone. There are those in the world who scorn our vision of human dignity and freedom. One nation, the Soviet Union, has conducted the greatest military buildup in the history of man, building arsenals of awesome offensive weapons. We have made progress in restoring our defense capability. But much remains to be done. There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace. There is only one way safely and legitimately to reduce the cost of national security, and that is to reduce the need for it. And this we are trying to do in negotiations with the Soviet Union. We are not just discussing limits on a further increase of nuclear weapons. We seek, instead, to reduce their number. We seek the total elimination one day of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. Now, for decades, we and the Soviets have lived under the threat of mutual assured destruction; if either resorted to the use of nuclear weapons, the other could retaliate and destroy the one who had started it. Is there either logic or morality in believing that if one side threatens to kill tens of millions of our people, our only recourse is to threaten killing tens of millions of theirs?> 0 0 I h a v e a p p r o v e d a r e s e a r c h p r o g r a m t o f i n d , i f w e c a n , a s e c u r i t y s h i e l d t h a t w o u l d d e s t r o y n u c l e a r m i s s i l e s b e f o r e t h e y r e a c h t h e i r t a r g e t . I t w o u l d n ' t k i l l p e o p l e , i t w o u l d d e s t r o y w e a p o n s . I t w o u l d n ' t m i l i t a r i z e s p a c e , i t w o u l d h e l p d e m i l i t a r i z e t h e a r s e n a l s o f E a r t h . I t w o u l d r e n d e r n u c l e a r w e a p o n s o b s o l e t e . W e w i l l m e e t w i t h t h e S o v i e t s , h o p i n g t h a t w e c a n a g r e e o n a w a y t o r i d t h e w o r l d o f t h e t h r e a t o f n u c l e a r d e s t r u c t i o n . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 0 " > 0 0 W e s t r i v e f o r p e a c e a n d s e c u r i t y , h e a r t e n e d b y t h e c h a n g e s a l l a r o u n d u s . S i n c e t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e n u m b e r o f d e m o c r a c i e s i n t h e w o r l d h a s g r o w n f o u r f o l d . H u m a n f r e e d o m i s o n t h e m a r c h , a n d n o w h e r e m o r e s o t h a n o u r o w n h e m i s p h e r e . F r e e d o m i s o n e o f t h e d e e p e s t a nd n o b le s t a s p i r a t i o n s of t h e h u m a n s p i r i t . P e o p l e , w o r l d w i d e , h u ng e r f o r th e ri g h t o f s e l f - de t e r m i n a t i o n ,f o r t h o s e i n a l i e n a b l e r igh t s t h a t m a k e f o r h u m a n di g n i t y a n d p r o g r e s s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 1 " > 0 0 A m e r i c a m u s t r e m a i n f r e e d o m ' s s t a u n c h e s t f r i e n d , f o r f r e e d o m i s o u r b e s t a l l y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 2 " > 0 0 A n d i t i s t h e w o r l d ' s o n l y h o p e , t o c o n q u e r p o v e r t y a n d p r e s e r v e p e a c e . E v e r y b l o w w e i n f l i c t a g a i n s t p o v e r t y w i l l b e a b l o w a g a i n s t i t s d a r k a l l i e s o f o p p r e s s i o n a n d w a r . E v e r y v i c t o r y f o r h u m a n f r e e d o m w i l l b e a v i c t o r y f o r w o r l d p e a c e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 3 " > 0 0 S o w e g o f o r w a r d t o d a y , a n a t i o n s t i l l m i g h t y i n i t s y o u t h a n d p o w e r f u l i n i t s p u r p o s e . W i t h o u r a l l i a n c e s s t r e n g t h e n e d , w i t h o u r e c o n o m y l e a d i n g t h e w o r l d t o a n e w a g e o f e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n , w e l o o k f o r w a r d t o a w o r l d r i c h i n p o s s i b i l i t i e s . A n d a l l t h i s b e c a u s e w e h a v e w o r k e d a n d a c t e d t o g e t h e r , n o t a s m e m b e r s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , b u t a s A m e r i c a n s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 4 " > 0 0 M y f r i e n d s , w e l i v e i n a w o r l d t h a t i s l i t b y l i g h t n i n g . S o m u c h i s c h a n g i n g a n d w i l l c h a n g e , b u t s o m u c h e n d u r e s , a n d t r a n s c e n d s t i m e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 5 " > 0 0 H i s t o r y i s a r i b b o n , a l w a y s u n f u r l i n g ; h i s t o r y i s aj o u r n e y . A n d a s w e c o n t i n u e o u r j o u r n e y , w e t h i nk o f t h o s e w h o t r a v el e d b e f o r e u s . W e s t a n d t o g e t h e r a g a i n a t t h e s t e p s o f t h i s s ym b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y o r w e w o u l d h a v e b e en s t a n d i n g a t t h e s t e p s i f i t h a d n ' t go t t e n s o c o l d . N o w w e a r e s t a n d i n g i n s i d e t h i s s y m b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y . N o w w e h e a r a g a i n t h e e c h o e s o f o u rp a s t : a g e n e r a l f a l l s t o h i s k n e e s i n t h e h a r d s n o w o f V a l l e y F o r g e ; a l o n e l y P r e s i d e n t p a c e s t h e d a r k e n e d h a l l s , a n d p o n d e r s h i s s t r u g g l e t o p r e s e r v e t h e U n i o n ; t h e m e n o f t h e A l a m o c a l l o u t e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o e a c h o t h e r ; a s e t t l e r p u s h e s w e s t a n d s i n g s a s o n g , a n d t h e s o n g e c h o e s o u t f o r e v e r a n d f i l l s t h e u n k n o w i n g a i r . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 6 " > 0 0 I t i s t h e A m e r i c a n s o u n d . I t i s h o p e f u l , b i g - h e a r t e d , i d e a l i s t i c , d a r i n g , d e c e n t , a n d f a i r . T h a t ' s o u r h e r i t a g e ; t h a t i s o u r s o n g . W e s i n g i t s t i l l . F o r a l l o u r p r o b l e m s , o u r d i f f e r e n c e s , w e a r e t o g e t h e r a s o f o l d , a s w e r a i s e o u r v o i c e s t o t h e G o d w h o i s t h e A u t h o r o f t h i s m o s t t e n d e r m u s i c . A n d m a y H e c o n t i n u e t o h o l d u s c l o s e a s w e f i l l t h e w o r l d w i t h o u r s o u n d s o u n d i n u n i t y , a f f e c t i o n , a n d l o v e o n e p e o p l e u n d e r G o d , d e d i c a t e d t o t h e d r e a m o f f r e e d o m t h a t H e h a s p l a c e d i n t h e h u m a n h e a r t , c a l l e d u p o n n o w t o p a s s t h a t d r e a m o n t o a w a i t i n g a n d h o p e f u l w o r l d . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 7 " > 0 0 G o d b l e s s y o u a n d m a y G o d b l e s s A m e r i c a . b r b d s f i d = " 8 8 " > / p > / d i v > d i v i d = " f l o a t _ b t n " c l a s s = " " b d s f i d = " 8 9 " > b u t t o n c l a s s = " f l o a t _ b t n l e f t _ b t n " i d = " c o p y _ b u t t o n " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - a c t i o n = " c o p y " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - t a r g e t = " # c o n t e n t - t x t " o n c l i c k = " d o _ c o p y ( ) ; " b d s f i d = " 9 0 " > e m c l a s s = " i c o n " b d s f i d = " 9 1 " >。

美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）2

美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）2事实上，从梅林纳达，到华盛顿和莫斯科峰会，从1981至1982年的经济衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持续至今的经济增快，我们已经创造了奇迹。

依我看来，我们取得了两项我为此而感到无比自豪的巨大成就。

一项是经济的复苏，美国人民创造——并且胜任了——1900万个新的工作岗位。

另一项是道德的恢复：美国再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望，来承担起领导世界的重任。

几年前，我亲身经历的某些事情多少反映了这种变化。

回想1981年，我首次出席在加拿大召开的一次大型经济问题峰会。

会议地点在各成员国中间轮流。

公开会议是为西方七国政府首脑举行的一次宴会。

我就像学校里的一名新生，坐在一旁倾听，满耳不是弗兰科斯就是赫尔穆特。

大家彼此之间不称职衔，而是直呼其名，以示亲密。

当时，我几乎是俯下身来说道，“我叫罗纳德”。

同年，我开始采取我们认为可能导致经济复苏的一些措施：减少税收、放松控制、削减支出，不久，经济开始复苏。

两年后，又一届经济问题峰会召开，与会者与上届极为相似。

在大型公开会议上，我们汇聚在一起。

忽然，我出乎意料地发现他们都注视着我。

接着，其中的一位打破沉默，说道：“给我们谈谈美国发生的奇迹。

”回想1980年，当我竞选总统时，情况却与此大相径庭。

一些权威人士说，我们的计划将导致灾难。

我们的外交观点将引发战争，我们的经济计划将引起恶性通胀，导致经济崩溃。

我对一位备受尊敬的经济学家在1982年所说的话还记忆犹新，他说“在美国，在全世界，带动经济增长的火车头已经停顿下来，并且在未来的数年里可能毫无起色。

”然而，他一一以及其他“舆论界的领袖们”一一错了。

事实上，他们称之为“激进的”无疑是“正确的”：他们称之为“危险的”恰恰是“急需的”。

总之，那时我赢得了一个绰号——“伟大的传播者”。

但是，我从不认为，是我的风格或者我使用的语言改造了世界——这是问题的关键，我不是一位，伟大的传播者，但是我传播了伟大的思想，它们并非凭空出自我的头脯，它们来自一个伟大的国家的内心——来自我们的经历、我们的智慧以及我们对两个世纪里引导我们的那些原则的信念。

美国总统里根经典演讲稿

美国总统里根经典演讲稿
在美国历史上，有许多杰出的总统，其中里根无疑是其中之一。

他的演讲在历
史上留下了深刻的印记，其中有一些经典的演讲稿至今仍然被人们传颂。

今天，让我们一起来回顾一下美国总统里根的经典演讲稿。

里根总统在1987年在柏林发表了一场著名的演讲，这场演讲被称为“撤除这
面墙”。

在演讲中，里根总统强调了自由和民主的重要性，他说，“先生们，把这面墙拆掉！”这句话成为了历史上的经典之作，激励了全世界对自由的追求和渴望。

里根总统的演讲充满了激情和力量，让人们深受感动。

除了柏林墙演讲，里根总统还有许多其他经典的演讲。

在他的任期内，他多次
强调了美国的核裁军政策，呼吁世界各国共同努力，推动核武器的裁减和消除。

他的演讲在当时引起了广泛的关注和讨论，为国际和平事业做出了重要的贡献。

此外，里根总统还在国内发表了许多关于经济和社会问题的演讲。

他提出了一
系列的改革措施，力图改善美国的经济状况和社会环境。

他的演讲充满了对美国人民的信心和鼓舞，激励着人们为实现美国梦而努力奋斗。

总的来说，里根总统的演讲在美国历史上留下了深远的影响。

他的言辞充满了
力量和激情，让人们深受感动和鼓舞。

他的演讲不仅在当时产生了巨大的影响，而且至今仍然被人们传颂，成为了历史上的经典之作。

通过回顾里根总统的经典演讲，我们可以更好地理解美国历史和文化，感受到里根总统对自由、民主和和平的不懈追求。

让我们铭记里根总统的演讲，传承他的精神，共同努力，创造美好的未来。

美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）3

美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）3常识还告诉我们，为了维护和平，我们必须在经历数年的软弱和混乱之后再次变得强大。

因此，我们重建了我们的防务——值此新年来临之际，我们为全球的和平而举杯。

事实上，超级大国不仅已开始削减真核武器储备一一甚至取得更大的进展的前景同样是明朗的一一而且令世界备感不安的地区冲突也即将结束。

波斯湾不再是交战地区，苏联正在从阿富汗撤离，越南即将撤出柬埔寨，而经美国斡旋而签署的一项协议，不久将使5万名古巴军人离开安哥拉回国。

当然，从所有这些事件中得出的教训是，由于我们是一个伟大的国家，因此我们面临的挑战是错综复杂的，并且将永远如此。

但是，只要我们牢记我们的基本原则，并且相信自己，那么，未来永远是我们的。

我们还懂得了：一旦你开始采取某项行动，那么就难以预料将何时结束。

我们只是要改变一个国家，却改变了整个世界。

世界各国正在归自由市场转型，开始允许言论自由——抛弃过去的意识形态。

对它们而言，80年代的大发现，瞧，是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府民主不仅是极其美好的，也是极具经济价值的。

在你们庆祝39岁生日的时候，你们能够休息片刻，回顾一下你们的人生，注视着时光在你们的面前流逝。

对于我来说，则犹如河中的树枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。

我从未想过步入政坛：这也不是我年轻时的志向。

但是，我从小就接受这样的教诲，相信你自己必须为你所得到的恩赐付出代价。

我对从事演艺业感到满意，但是，我最终进入政界，是因为我要保护一些弥足珍贵的东西。

我们所经历的变革，是人类历史上“我们人民”真正改变了政府的演变进程的第一次革命。

“我们人民”告诉政府，而不是政府告诉“我们人民”该做什么。

“我们人民”是驾驶员一一而政府则是一辆汽车。

“我们人民”决定它行驶的方向、道路与速度。

世界上几乎所有国家的宪法都是告诉人民享有哪些特权。

而在我们的宪法中，“我们人的人民”是自由的。

这种信念，是我在过去8年里作出不懈努力的基础。

但是，回想60年代，当我开始投身政治时，我们似乎把一切都颠倒了——就是说，政府通过越来越多的法规和赋税条例，正在更多地剥夺我们的钱财、我们的选择权以及我们的自由。

1981年美国总统里根就职演说

1981年美国总统里根就职演说First Inaugural Address of Ronald ReaganTUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They willnot go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to standby our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self- sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we asAmericans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of ** white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice thatMartin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.《里根第一仸总统就职演说》罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40仸总统(1981年-1989年)议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。

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first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年) （一）senator hatfield, mr. chief justice, mr. president, vice president bush,vicepresident mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet,authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has foralmost twocenturies and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. in the eyes ofmany in theworld, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than amiracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。

当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。

按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。

但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

（二）mr. president, i want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carryonthis tradition. by your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you haveshown awatching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a politicalsystem whichguarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and i thankyou and yourpeople for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark ofour republic.总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。

通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。

同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

the business of our nation goes forward. these united states are confronted withaneconomic affliction of great proportions. we suffer from the longest and one ofthe worstsustained inflations in our national history. it distorts our economic decisions,penalizesshatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。

合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。

我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

（三）idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human miseryandpersonal indignity. those who do work are denied a fair return for their laborby a taxsystem which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with publicspending. fordecades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and ourchildrens futurefor the temporary convenience of the present. to continue this long trend is toguaranteetremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。

即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。

数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。

这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

（四）you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, butfor onlya limited period of time. why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation,we are notbound by that same limitation?we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and letthere be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today. away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. they will go away becausewe, as americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needsto bedone to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom. in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our ernmentis theproblem.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。

大家都要明白无误地懂得-- 我们从今天起就要采取行动。

我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。

这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。

它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。

政府的管理就是问题所在。

government for, by, and of the people. but if no one among us is capable ofgoverninghimself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? all of ustogether, inand out of government, must bear the burden. the solutions we seek must beequitable, withno one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。

可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

（六）we hear much of special interest groups. our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. it knows no sectional boundariesor ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. it is made up of menand women whoraise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach ourchildren, keepour homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists,shopkeepers, clerks,cabbies, and truckdrivers. they are, in short, we the people, this breed calledamericans.我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。