林肯就职演讲经典句子
1、我主要关心的，不是你是不是失败了，而是你对失败是不是甘心。
2、法律是显露的道德，道德是隐藏的法律。
3、卓越的天才不屑走一条人家走过的路。他寻找迄今没有开拓过的地区。
4、我们关心的，不是你是否失败了，而是你对失败能否无怨。
5、凡是不给别人自由的人，他们自己就不应该得到自由，而且在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。
6、给别人自由和维护自己的自由，两者同样是崇高的事业。
7、人生最美好的东西，就是他同别人的友谊。
8、好学的人必成大器。
9、意志来自道德感和自身利益这两个因素。
10、事实上教育便是一种早期的习惯。
11、一个人过了四十岁，应当为自己的长相负责。
（当一位友人询问林肯为何回拒他所推荐的阁员人选时）
12、一滴蜂密比一加仑胆汁招引的苍蝇还要多。
13、你可以一时欺骗所有人,也可以永远欺骗某些人,但不可能永远欺骗所有人。 you can fool all the people some of the time, some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.
14、勿以怨恨对待任何人，请以慈爱加给所有的人!
15、最勇敢的男人是怕老婆的男人。
16、最重要的是，在关键的时刻能够坚持原则。
17、恪尽职守的精神比个人的声望更重要。
18、世界上极需这种人才，他们在任何情况下都能克服种种阻力完成任务
19、我们要做的是让纪律看守西点，而不是教官时刻监视学员。20、“魔鬼”隐藏在细节中，永远不要忽视任何细节。
21、千万不要纵容自己，给自己找借口。
22、哪怕是对自己的一点小的克制，也会使人变得强而有力。23、为了赢得胜利，也许你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。
24、学会忍受不公平，学会恪尽职责。
25、只要充分相信自己，没有什么困难可以足够持久。
26、等待比做事要难得多。
27、要有信心，把握住自己的未来。
28、不要沉沦，在任何环境中你都可以选择奋起。
29、有耐心的人无往而不利。
30、确信无法突破的时候，首先要选择的是等待。
31、如果你没有选择的话，那么就勇敢地迎上去。
32、责任、荣誉、国家！
33、要培养各方面的能力，包括承受悲惨命运的能力。
34、冲动，绝不是真正英雄的性格。
35、适应环境，而不是让环境适应你！
36、历经严酷的训练是完善自我的必由之路。
37、速度决定成败。
38、不要怕有疯狂的想法，只要你肯努力。
39、首先要建立起自信心。
40、胜利，是属于最坚韧的人。
41、要敢于战胜一切恐惧！
42、要感谢生活中的逆境和磨难！
43、主动锻炼自己，培养果决的性格。
44、要立即行动，不要拖延。
45、现实中的恐怖，远比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。
46、目标要明确，信念要坚定。
47、只有自己去做，才可能知道能否成功。
48、做一个真正勇敢无畏的人。
49、要战胜恐惧，而不是退缩。
50、失败者任其失败，成功者创造成功。
51、要敢于“硬干”，不要怀疑自己。
52、没有什么不可能——“没有办法”或“不可能”常常是庸人和懒人的托辞。
53、成功始于觉醒，心态决定命运！
54、任何个人，在危机来临时，都要想到打破常规。
55、我不一定会胜利，但一定会真诚行事。我不一定成功，但会抱持一贯的信念。
56、我会与任何正直持平的人并肩而立。他对的时候，我会给予支持；他错的时候，我不求必胜，但矢志真诚。我不一定求成功，但定必言行如一，贯彻始终。
57、我必将与正人君子并肩，是其所是，非其所非。
58、我未必稳操胜算，却始终以诚处世。我未必马到成功，却不忘心中真理。
59、我当与天下正直之士并肩而立，知其是而拥护之，知其非而离弃之。
60、为真理而战，死也光荣。
61、狼和羊都没有资格谈论自由。
62、民主主义就是人民的，通过人民，为人民的政治。
63、正像我不想做奴隶一样，我也不愿做主人.。
64、今天能够着手进行的事情绝不拖到明天。
65、各行各业的对一个人的指导原则就是勤奋，今天能够着手进行的事情不拖到明天。
66、只要充分相信自己，没有什么困难可以足够持久。
67、要有信心，把握住自己的未来。
68、预测未来最好的方法就是去创造未来。
69、与其跟一只狗争路，不如让它先行一步；如果被它咬了一口，你即使把它打死，也不能治好你的伤口。
70、品格如同树木，名声如同树阴。我们常常考虑的是树阴，却不知树木才是根本。
71、民有、民治、民享。
of the people, by the people, for the people。
72、如果我有第二张脸，我还需要用现在这张吗？（林肯的政敌批评林肯有“两面三刀”时的幽默回应。因为就政治人物而言，林肯的长相极不讨喜，像个野猴。）
73、想了解一个人的个性，那就赋予他权力。
74、我之所有，我之所能，都归功于我天使般的母亲。
75、我这个人走得很慢，但是我从不后退。
76、一个好的目标决不会因为慢慢来而落空。
77、我的生活经验使我深信，没有缺点的人往往优点也很少。
78、黄金诚然是宝贵的，但是生气勃勃、勇敢的爱国者却比黄金更为宝贵。
79、法律是显露的道德，道德是隐藏的法律。
80、何谓保守？就是过于恐惧而不敢战。
81、世上没有卑贱的职业，只有卑贱的人。
82、好汉不怕出身低。
83、豆腐爱厚，脸皮爱薄。
84、喷泉的高度不会超过它的源头；一个人的事业也是这样，他的成就决不会超过自己的信念。
85、我们要想涵养公正的品德，就应养成一种“不苟”的优良习惯。
86、何谓保守？不就是因循守旧，反对新生事物吗？
87、凡是不给别人自由的人，他们自己就不应该得到自由，而且在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。
88、为了赢得胜利，也许你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。
89、现实中的恐怖，远比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。
90、主动锻炼自己，培养果决的性格。
91、要感谢生活中的逆境和磨难！
92、历经严酷的训练是完善自我的必由之路。
93、要培养各方面的能力，包括承受悲惨命运的能力。
94、有耐心的人无往而不利。
95、不要以怨恨相对，应以慈悲为怀，让我们共同奋斗来完成我们正在从事的工作。
96、胜利，是属于最坚韧的人。
97、我尽量用最好的方法去做，尽我所能去做，我打算一直这样把事情做完。如果结果证明我是对的，那么人家怎么说我，就无关紧要了；如果结果证明我是错的，那么即使花十倍的力气来说我是对的，那也是没用的。
98、我不知道我的祖父是谁，我更加关心的是他的孙子将成为什么样的人。
99、如果你没有选择的话，那么就勇敢地迎上去。
100、选票比子弹更有力量。
101、如果一个目的是正当而必须做的，则达到这个目的的必要手段也是正当而必须采取的。
102、记住，当人生的道路陡峭的时候，要保持沉着。
103、恪尽职守的精神比个人的声望更重要。
104、对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，按上帝的指引坚持正义。篇二：林肯就职演说原文1
林肯的第二任总统就职演说
这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：
at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously
directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not
distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the
insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.
each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from
with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.
最后两段译文：
(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位
上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到
面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，
任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉
此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意
除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以
往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--
这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们
从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭
上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”
不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让
我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和
那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们 - 让我们竭尽全力，达成在我们中间，及众民族之间的永
久的公义和和平。
简单统计：
? 讲演总字数：699
? 提到上帝次数：10(god: 6; the almighty: 1; lord: 1; he: 2) ? 提到祷告次数：
3
? 提到圣经次数：1
? 引用圣经次数：2
所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(hey whitney)所总结的：“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求，求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”
这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午，当时在现场的记者noah brooks写到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间，阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层，放射出惊人的景象，荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来??而此时，林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。) -- 仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。
其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者，作为政治家，认为财富和权力更为重要。然而，随着美国内战战局的发展，林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义，越来越依靠神，承认自己和人的无能为力，开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。
例如，在1862年9月，在一个本来看似乐观的形势下，北方军却经历了在bull run的第二次战役的彻底失败，林肯开始认真的反思这次战争，并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时，他写下了“meditation on the divine will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails. in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god. both may be，and one must be，wrong. god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time. in the present civil war it is quite possible that gods purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻译是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中，双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是错的，因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标，但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”
在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻，据d. james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一书，林肯坐在戏院里，对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是：“你知道我现在想做什么吗？我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣)
诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼，随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”篇三：林肯的就职演讲稿
林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版)
2007年07月15日星期日下午 12:10the gettysburg address
gettysburg, pennsylvania
november 19, 1863
fourscore(80年 and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent （大陆a new nation,conceived（设想 and dedicated （奉献的to the proposition （主题that all men are created equal.
now we are egaged in a great civil（民族间的 war,testing whether that nation or any
but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate(奉献,we can not consecrate（神圣的,we can not hallow（视什么为神圣的 this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated（被奉为神 it far above our power to add or detract（减损.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for
us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure（尺寸 of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish （死亡from the earth.
主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯
时间：1863年11月19日
地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡
八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。
但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士
们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
林肯就职演讲
林肯的第二任总统就职演说 这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文 是： at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement， somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before， the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations. 最后两段译文： (交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位 上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到 面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答， 任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉
A Rhetorical Analysis of Second Inaugural Address by Abraham Lincoln林肯第二次就职演讲的修辞分析
A Rhetorical Analysis of Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address Abstract: Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address on March 4, 1865, during his second inauguration as president of the United States. This address is planned; it is adapted to his audience; it is shaped by Lincoln’s motives; it seeks persuasion. Lincoln made full use of argument, appeals, arrangement, and aesthetics which are four resources of symbols assisting the goal of persuasion. Thus it is categorized as rhetoric. This thesis makes a rhetorical analysis of Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address. Key words:Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address, rhetoric, analysis 1. Introduction The custom of delivering an address on Inauguration Day started with the very first Inauguration—George Washington's—on April 30, 1789. After taking his oath of office on the balcony of Federal Hall in New York City, Washington proceeded to the Senate chamber where he read a speech before members of Congress and other dignitaries. Every President since Washington has delivered an Inaugural address. While many of the early Presidents read their addresses before taking the oath, current custom dictates that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court administer the oath first, followed by the President's speech. Today, Presidents deliver their Inaugural address on the west front of the Capitol, but this has not always been the case. Until Andrew Jackson's first Inauguration in 1829, most Presidents spoke in either the House or Senate chambers. Jackson became the first President to take his oath of office and deliver his address on the east front portico of the U.S. Capitol in 1829. With few exceptions, the next 37 Inaugurations took place there, until 1981, when Ronald Reagan's swearing-in ceremony and Inaugural address occurred on the west front terrace of the Capitol. The west front has been used ever since. Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address on March 4, 1865, during his second inauguration as president of the United States. At a time when victory over the secessionists in the American Civil War was within days and slavery was near an end, Lincoln did not speak of happiness, but of sadness. Some see this speech as a defense of his pragmatic approach to Reconstruction, in which he sought to avoid harsh treatment of the defeated South by reminding his listeners of how wrong both sides had been in imagining what lay before them when the war began four years earlier. Lincoln balanced that rejection of triumphalism, however, with
林肯第二次就职演说
林肯第二次就职演说 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not
林肯第一次就职演讲稿
林肯第一次就职演讲稿 林肯第一次就职演讲稿 的安全，我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令，而不 要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法，便可以逃脱罪责，而对它们公然违反。自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来，七十二年已经过去了。在这期间，十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。 他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而，尽管有这么多可供参考的先例，我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期 中来担任这同一任务，却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前，分裂联邦只是受到了威胁，而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑，我坚信，我们各州组成的 联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点，虽不 一定写明，却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说，没有一个名副其 实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条，规定自己完结的期限。继续 执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文，联邦便将永远存在下去——除 了采取并未见之于宪法的行动，谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。还有，就算 合众国并不是个名副其实的政府，而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的 联合体，那既有契约的约束，若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意，我 们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约，或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约，岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?从这些总原则出发，我们发现，从法学观点来看，联邦具有永久性质的提法，是 为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上， 它是由1774年，签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣
言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后，通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟，当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一，便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。但是，如果任何一个州，或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉，加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了，因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。从这些观点我们可以认定，任何一个州，都不可能仅凭自己动议，便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当局的暴力行为，都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看，联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力，按照宪法明确赋于我的责任，坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做，我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美国人民，收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他们的权威，命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓，而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的，它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它强。加于国家当局，否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外，决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民，或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地，即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候，政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定，政府
林肯第二次就职演讲(英文)
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass
林肯总统演讲稿
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
最新-林肯演讲稿中文 林肯第二次就职演讲(中文) 精品
林肯演讲稿中文林肯第二次就职演讲(中文) 可是现在,四年任期刚刚结束,在这期间,关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意,消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节,随时都有公告发奉,现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了.关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——,公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的. 既然对未来充满了希望,那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了.也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合,所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安. 所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生.而当我在这里发表就职演说,决定不惜采用一切力量,但不用战争,拯救联邦的时候,叛乱分子的人却在全城到处活动,力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦,分裂国家. ——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡.于是战争便打起来了. 在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并非遍布在全国各地,而是大部分集中在我国南方.这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益. 大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因.为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的,叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面,只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域. 双方谁也没有料想到,战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模,或持续这么久.双方谁也不曾料到,冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束,或甚至在冲突本身结束之前,便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利,战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人. 双方都读着同一部《圣经》,祈祷于同一个上帝；每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方,而反对另一方.这看来也许有些不可思议,怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过,我们且不要论断别人,以免自己遭到论断吧. 双方的祈祷都不可能得到回应；任何一方的祈祷也没有得到充分的回应.全能的上帝另有他自己的目标.
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿
美国总统林肯演讲稿 inaugural speech by abraham lincoln march 4th 1861 speech： i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states that by the accession of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that: i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so. those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions: no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due. there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide
林肯就职演讲英文
林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版 there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that-- i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so. those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution. during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the government. they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual. perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in